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:: The Rule of Reason ::

:: Saturday, June 28, 2003 ::

CAC News: Gone Fishin' 

:: Posted by Skip at 1:36 PM

Nick and I will be taking a recess from blogging until Monday, July 7.

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:: Friday, June 27, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: A Win for Corrupt Due Process 

:: Posted by Skip at 3:08 PM

An FTC administrative judge, to nobody's surprise, today upheld an FTC complaint:
In an initial decision announced today, Administrative Law Judge (ALJ) D. Michael Chappell upheld administrative complaint allegations that the February 2001 acquisition by Chicago Bridge & Iron Company N.V. (CB&I) of the Water Division and the Engineered Construction Division of Pitt-Des Moines, Inc. (PDM) violated Section 7 of the Clayton Act and Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act. Judge Chappell found that complaint counsel had established that the effect of CB&I's acquisition of the PDM assets may be to substantially lessen competition in four relevant product markets in the United States in which both CB&I and PDM competed. The order entered by Judge Chappell would require CB&I to divest all of the assets acquired in the acquisition, in order to restore competition as it existed prior to the acquisition. The Judge's initial decision is subject to review by the full Commission, either on its own motion or on appeal by either the respondents or complaint counsel.
Yes, that's right: Appeals of FTC decisions are heard by... the FTC! Is this a great country (for antitrust lawyers) or what?

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CAC News: Media Appearance 

:: Posted by Skip at 3:04 PM

I'll be appearing once again on the "Steve Czaban Show" tonight just after 9:20 on Fox Sports Radio. Tonight I'll be talking with Steve about the ongoing Big East-ACC litigation.

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Lawrence v. Texas: Conservative Lies 

:: Posted by Skip at 2:59 PM

Last week I chastised the Washington Times' editorial page for its intellectually dishonest support of prescription drug benefits. Today, I am once again compelled to criticize the Times, this time for their blatantly false reading of the Constitution. In a house editorial published today the Times, not surprisingly, dissents from the Supreme Court's decision yesterday in the Lawrence case:
The Supreme Court turned the Constitution upside down yesterday. In a 6-3 decision, the majority struck down state sodomy laws across the country — a move that is being celebrated as a huge victory for homosexual rights, which it is. The court used the so-called right to privacy to rule against a Texas law prohibiting sex between people of the same sex. In a brazen example of judicial overreach, the court also ruled against all sodomy laws in all states. This is bad law; the Constitution protects the rights of the states to legislate on these matters.
In support of this argument, the Times cites the Tenth Amendment, which states: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." What the Times neglects to mention is the Ninth Amendment, which provides constitutional protection for "unenumerated" rights not otherwise specified in the Constitution itself. Conservatives have long ignored the Ninth Amendment with malicious forethought because they view it as an obstacle towards their goal of using the government to impose private morality via public law.

The Times editorial does not use the phrase "individual rights" once, but it does refer to "states' rights." It's no coincidence that "states' rights" was once used to justify segregation and slavery. Under the federal Constitution, sovereignty is vested with the people; the states are but a convenient mechanism for dividing government power. Since the function of sovereignty, i.e. government, is the protection of individual rights--and only the protection of individual rights--there does not exist any distinct "states' rights" which can overrule the individual's liberties. No matter how big a majority might wish to do so in any given state, the government may not regulate the private consensual sexual conduct of its citizens on the grounds of public morality.

Nor is the Tenth Amendment a barrier to yesterday's ruling, as the Times falsely suggests. The Tenth Amendment only directs that legitimate government power not assigned to the federal government be remitted to the states and communities. The Tenth Amendment does not, however, define the scope of the general powers of government. That's defined by the Constitution itself, including the Ninth Amendment that conservatives so desperately want to ignore.

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Rights and Reason: Maine climate change law to be first in nation  

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 10:37 AM

The Portland Press Hearld reports that Maine Gov. John Baldacci signed the first a state law in the nation that sets specific goals and a timeline to reduce carbon dioxide emissions.

Maine's law will require the state to develop a "climate change action plan."

The state Department of Environmental Protection will work with state agencies, individuals, businesses and others to come up with ways to reduce carbon dioxide emissions to 1990 levels by 2010, to 10 percent below those levels by 2020 and, eventually, by as much as 80 percent.

The bill's sponsor, state Rep. Ted Koffman, a Democrat from Bar Harbor, said it's important that the DEP will work with others to develop ways to meet the goals.

"We're not mandating a command-and-control approach as to how we're going to get these emissions down," he said. "It could be that in certain cases a regulatory approach would be the most effective and appropriate way of achieving some piece of our overall goal. In other cases, it may be education or technical assistance that is needed."
Oh, please. The article goes on to document the response of Maine's congressional delegation to the new state law:

All four members of Maine's congressional delegation support national measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and U.S. Sen. Olympia Snowe, a Republican, said in a written statement Tuesday that she applauds the state for passing the law.

"The signing of this law should provide impetus for the Senate to consider the Climate Stewardship Act, legislation I co-sponsored to establish a cap-and-trade system to reduce (carbon dioxide) emissions," she said.

Sen. Susan Collins, also a Republican, said in a written statement that "climate change is a serious and growing threat. The most important thing we can do to combat global warming is to take concrete steps to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. That is why I recently joined Senators (Jim) Jeffords and (Joseph) Lieberman to introduce the Clean Power Act."

Snowe also supports that law.

That bill would reduce greenhouse gas emissions from power plants to 1990 levels by 2009.

U.S. Rep. Tom Allen, a Democrat who represents Maine's 1st Congressional District, has consistently pressed for reduction in greenhouse emissions.
It is appalling that there was no opposition to this bill on basis of the scientific claims made by those who believe in man-caused climate change. When 9/11 came, I asked myself where were the mid-East experts to warn us about the growing threat of Islam. Now I find myself asking where are the scientists to warn us about the growing threat of the environmentalists.

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Executive Branch: Do Not Call Opens 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:23 AM

The FTC won't protect property rights. It won't protect due process under law. It won't even protect logic and common sense. But it will protect you from telemarketers:
The opening of the National Do Not Call Registry, a free service of the federal government developed to give consumers a choice about getting telemarketing calls at home, was announced this morning by President George W. Bush, Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Chairman Timothy J. Muris, and Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Chairman Michael K. Powell.

The National Do Not Call Registry will make it easier and more efficient for consumers to stop getting telemarketing calls they do not want. Consumers can register in two ways: online or by calling a toll-free number. Registration is free and is available in both English and Spanish.

"We're very pleased that beginning today, consumers can make the call on whether to get telemarketing pitches at home," said FTC Chairman Muris. "Registration is free and easy, whether it is done online or by telephone."
Somebody should charge Muris with false and misleading advertising. The Do Not Call list is hardly "free"--telemarketers will bear the brunt of the costs as they are now legally required to periodically purchase copies of the list from the FTC. Congress also appropriated several million dollars to get the registry up-and-running. This is really a tax on the telemarketing industry, or perhaps a "user fee" if you care to look at it that way.

Muris' obssession with the Do Not Call list is matched only by the FCC's Powell gushing like a wannabe-freedom fighter:
"Government is at its best when it empowers individuals to make their own choices," said FCC Chairman Powell. "Consumers wanted more control over their telephones - and we are giving it to them."
Personally, I control my telephone just fine right now. If somebody calls and I don't want to talk to them, I deal with it through an amazing tecnique known as "hanging up."

I won't argue that Do Not Call is the worst thing the FTC has ever come up with. But it may be one of the dumbest.

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Rights and Reason: The Prescription Drug Menace 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:12 AM

Don Watkins sums up the prescription drug "reform" bill pretty well:
So now GovCo is going to cover most of the costs of prescription drugs. Sounds great, doesn't it? Uh huh.

I'm no economist but I know enough to make the following predictions: subsidizing prescription drugs will increase demand for prescription drugs thus driving up their price. One of two things will then happen -- (1) medicare costs will skyrocket or (2) the government will impose price controls on prescription drugs. Probably there will be some combination of (1) and (2).

Now, anyone who knows anything about history understands that price controls accomplish exactly one thing: they increase demand while restricting supply. In other words, more and more people will want more and more drugs, fewer and fewer of which will be available. Doctors will then feel pressure from GovCo not to prescribe drugs unless they absolutely have to and even that will not be enough to ensure that everyone who needs a particular drug gets it.

Oh yeah, and one more thing: don't expect to see half as many new life-saving drugs reach the market in the coming years. After all, would you spend hundreds of millions of dollars to develop a drug that, if it works and if the FDA approves it, won't make you any money?

That's right. Thanks to this bill, and thanks to the so-called conservatives who passed it, more people are going to want prescription drugs, fewer of which will be available; doctors will be forced to prescribe drugs only when absolutely necessary, which of course is a judgement call resulting in the likelyhood that a lot of people who do need a drug will not get a prescription for it; those who are lucky enough to get a prescription will still have trouble getting it filled; and fewer new drugs will be available as drug companies find they are unable to recoup their R&D costs. Oh, and for the rest of us, we'll be paying for all this and I can promise you: the suppossed $400 billion price tag cited by Congress won't even cover half the cost of the program.
Don is right about price controls. But here's something to keep in mind: price controls need not be imposed by direct fiat. For years, antitrust law has doubled as a crude price control method to impose price limits on physicians. As readers of this website know, the FTC regularly prosecutes doctors under false "unfair competition" claims for the express purpose of ensuring doctors don't get private health plans to pay them at rates too far above the federally-mandated rates for Medicare and Medicaid. Under this theory, the government decides "market" rates, and those who deviate from them are, by definition, acting "anticompetitively."

Aother thing to look for is heightened antitrust scrutiny of pharmaceutical company mergers. The Muris FTC has already been doing this, forcing merging firms to divest certain drug lines to third companies chosen by the Commission. The new prescription drug bill will essentially green-light Muris to attack any merger that might, in the FTC's view, increase drug costs even a little. After all, now that the government will be a major purchaser of such drugs, it's not in the "public interest" for price increases to stand.

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:: Thursday, June 26, 2003 ::

Rights and Reason: Back to the Future 

:: Posted by Skip at 7:35 PM

Today's Supreme Court decision in Lawrence overrules the Court's 1986 decision in Bowers v. Hardwick, which had upheld the constitutionality of a Georgia law criminalizing consensual sodomy. Only three of the current nine justices were on the Bowers court. Then associate justice William Rehnquist and Sandra Day O'Connor both voted to support the Georgia law, joining an opinion authored by Byron White and also joined by Chief Justice Warren Burger and Justice Lewis Powell. John Paul Stevens, who joined today's opinion, authored a dissenting opinion in Bowers, and joined another dissent authored by Harry Blackmun which included Thurgood Marshall and William Brennan.

In one sense, then, today's decision was principally a reflection of the change in the court's membership rather than a great sea-change in the jurisprudence governing homosexual sodomy. Lewis Powell and and Byron White, two of the votes to sustain the Georgia law, were replaced, respectively, by Anthony Kennedy and Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who voted to overturn the Texas law. Stephen Breyer succeeded the like-minded Harry Blackmun. The only switch from overturning the law to sustaining it came from Clarence Thomas succeeding Thurgood Marshall.

One lesson to take from this: America benefitted from the Senate's decision in 1986 to reject Robert Bork's Supreme Court nomination. Bork was the first nominee to replace Powell; had he been confirmed, Bork would have almost certainly have voted to uphold the Texas law today. This would not have changed the result of the case, as there were six votes to reverse, but it would have prevented the Court from explicitly overruling Bowers, since Justice O'Connor refused to join that part of today's opinion.

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The Culture: Rand on Sports 

:: Posted by Skip at 7:19 PM

Frank Hughes of the Tacoma News-Tribune suggests NBA teams should consider the wisdom of Ayn Rand before making their selections in tonight's amateur draft. Hughes specifically chastises NBA officials who fail to integrate properly, instead relying on the adage that a team must take the "best player available":
For the uninformed, the whole "best player available" mindset among NBA general managers came about because of the 1984 draft. Then, the Houston Rockets took Hakeem Olajuwon with the first overall pick. The Portland Trail Blazers already had Clyde Drexler playing shooting guard, so they drafted for need, choosing Sam Bowie instead of Michael Jordan. The Bulls, who didn't have anything on their roster, took Jordan, and the concept of drafting "the best player available" was born.

All because general managers don't want to be labeled as the guy who misses out on the next Michael Jordan.

In all honesty, though, I cover the league, and I don't even know who the Blazers' GM was back then.

I just think it is a foolish way to approach a draft, taking "the best player available." Imagine if the San Antonio Spurs, with the 28th pick, get on the clock and the best player available is some 6-foot-10 dude from the outer reaches of unincorporated Mongolia. Does it really make sense for the Spurs to draft a power forward who clearly is going to get about 3½ minutes a game playing behind two-time MVP Tim Duncan because he is the "best player available"?

Let's take this to another forum. Imagine an architect is putting together his vision of a house, and he takes the "best room available" for each section of the house. No matter that the best living room comes from Buckingham Palace, the best dining room comes from a Saudi Arabian castle and the best master bedroom comes from Wilt Chamberlain's old domicile.

Throw them all together and you get, well, a really big version of the manager's residence in a trailer home park.

Or, Graceland.

No, an architect puts together his vision with a plan. As Ayn Rand said of Howard Roark's sketches in "The Fountainhead": "It was as if the buildings had sprung from the earth and from some living force, complete, unalterably right. Not a line seemed superfluous, not a needed plane was missing. The structures were austere and simple, until one looked at them and realized what work, what complexity of method, what tension of thought had achieved the simplicity. No laws had dictated a single detail."

I can't say I've ever heard of the assembling of an NBA team described in such an eloquent manner, but the point is well taken: "No laws had dictated a single detail."

Indeed, the law of "best player available" should be rescinded.
Hughes makes a good argument, especially given the new "law" which governs the draft--pick the most hyped player available. Most NBA general managers are afraid to pass on an underqualified player who has "upside," a media euphemism for hype. In most businesses, you're expected to hire according to your needs, not according to the demands of outside reporters. No reason the NBA should be any different.

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Antitrust News: FTC Ends Nestle Battle 

:: Posted by Skip at 7:08 PM

Yesterday the Federal Trade Commission cleared the Nestle-Dreyer's ice cream merger after Nestle agreed to some concessions:
According to the FTC, U.S. consumers spend at retail about $600 million annually for superpremium ice cream. Nestlé and Dreyer's, along with Unilever, the marketer of Ben & Jerry's brand ice cream, account for about 98 percent of superpremium ice cream sales. In June 2002, Nestlé and Dreyer's agreed to combine their ice cream businesses. The purchase of Dreyer's would give Nestlé, alone, about 60 percent of the market. At the time, the deal was valued at about $2.8 billion.

In March 2003, the FTC authorized the staff to seek a preliminary injunction to block the merger of Nestlé and Dreyer's, pending trial. The agency asserted the merger would violate the antitrust laws by eliminating competition and raising prices for superpremium ice cream. Nestlé markets superpremium ice cream under the Häagen-Dazs brand. Dreyer's superpremium ice cream brands include Dreamery, Godiva, under a license with Godiva Chocolatier, Inc., and Starbucks, under a joint venture with Starbucks Corporation.

The proposed order also requires that Dreyer's make its license to manufacture, distribute, and sell Starbucks superpremium ice cream nonexclusive; and allow Mars, Inc., and Ben & Jerry's to terminate their relationships with Dreyer's. To ensure that CoolBrands can operate profitably and provide viable competition, the settlement requires that, for a period not to exceed one year, Nestlé and Dreyer's supply Dreamery, Godiva, and Whole Fruit products to CoolBrands at their production costs. It also requires that they distribute those brands for CoolBrands in any area of the U.S. where Dreyer's previously distributed the products. It requires that they provide technical assistance and administrative services to CoolBrands, as needed, for one year. The settlement requires that Nestlé and Dreyer's provide additional premium ice cream or novelty products to CoolBrands for up to five years to enable CoolBrands to operate profitably while it develops additional distribution arrangements.
As horrible as this settlement sounds, Nestle actually fared pretty well in antitrust terms. When the FTC voted in March to seek a court order blocking the Nestle-Dreyer's deal, FTC staff likely expected the companies to call off their merger, which is what usually happens in such circumstances. Thus, in an odd way this was a victory for Nestle, since the staff--spurred on by FTC Chairman Tim Muris, who has an agenda against Nestle--probably predicted a total victory. Nestle fought back just enough to get most of what they wanted while avoiding an expensive court fight that would have only delayed their merger plans.

Still, this settlement is garbage. The Starbucks concession is frankly bizarre, as it has nothing to do with what the FTC was supposedly upset about, supermarket distribution. And there's still that nagging point that "superpremium ice cream" isn't actually a distinct market. But I'll save my griping over that for the comment letter.

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Rights and Reason: Punting on Nike 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 5:33 PM

As Skip reported below, the US Supreme Court voted to dismiss the writ of certiorari in the Nike commercial speech case as "improvidently granted." Failing to provide for the future is a recurring theme with the Court these days.

The Court received 31 amicus curiae briefs on the merits of this case, including the brief submitted by the Center. These briefs were not exercises in billable hours, but an indication of the serious implications of this case upon freedom in America. The Court's justifications for punting on Nike (or more properly, the justifications of those who saw fit to offer a justification--Justices Rehnquist, Scalia and Thomas offered none) are weak at best. Justice Stevens, in his concurring opinion argued that the "novel constitutional questions" were better left to lower courts to sort though first.

Yet the threat to free speech is not weak. As Justice Breyer observed in his dissent,

[...] waiting extracts a heavy First Amendment price. If this suit goes forward, both Nike and other potential speakers, out of reasonable caution or even an excess of caution, may censor their own expression well beyond what the law may constitutionally demand. That is what a "chilling effect" means. It is present here.
We noted as much in our amicus to the Court:

In maintaining the modern commercial speech doctrine, the Court has failed to recognize that individuals value their membership in society largely for the selfish economic benefits that come from free trade with others. In a society that recognizes individual rights, all interactions are voluntary, based on mutual exchange to mutual benefit. It is only in a system of free and un-coerced exchange that individuals can properly trade to mutual benefit. Accordingly, one's political interests and one's economic interests are joined, sharing the same selfish motivation and deserving the same protection.

Yet in failing to protect the speech necessary to defend an individual's economic relationships with others, the Court has relegated self-interested speech to an intellectual ghetto. In the case before the Court, the California Supreme Court holds that because Nike, as a corporation, is acting out of its own economic self-interest, its employees and shareholders ultimately have no right to submit their views to the public. This view is false.
The Supreme Court's dismissal order now means that the case returns to the California courts and certain appeal. See 'ya next term, Marc. . .

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Antitrust News: Court Overturns Microsoft Injunction  

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 4:03 PM

This from the AP:

A federal appeals court overturned a judge's order that would have forced Microsoft to include competitor Sun Microsystems' Java software in its Windows operating system.

The ruling represents a victory for Microsoft in its drawn-out legal battle with Sun over the Java software.

The unanimous decision Thursday by the three-judge panel of the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals vacated a December ruling by a federal judge in Baltimore.

Java software is used to create interactive programs on Web sites that users can run regardless of what operating system or Web browser their computer uses.

The injunction would have required the Redmond, Wash.-based software giant to include Sun's Java technology in its Windows XP operating system until the lower court can rule on a lawsuit filed by Sun accusing Microsoft of anticompetitive practices.

Sun's case is one of four private antitrust lawsuits brought after another federal judge ruled in a lawsuit filed by the Justice Department and 18 states that Microsoft acted as an illegal monopoly based on its dominance in desktop operating systems.
I wrote in December that U.S. District Judge J. Frederick Motz's ruling had to be one of the most bizarre we have seen, even in as bizarre a field as antitrust. Bravo to the 4th Circuit for rejecting this unwarranted order.

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Rights and Reason: Punting on Nike 

:: Posted by Skip at 12:50 PM

In today's other big Supreme Court decision, the justices decided to not decide Nike v. Kasky, a case CAC filed two amicus briefs in supporting reversal of the California Supreme Court's decision to remove a corporation's statements defending itself from the realm of First Amendment protection. In a 6-3 vote accompanied by a one-sentence unsigned order, the Court dismissed the case for lack of jurisdiction. While unusual, such dismissals after oral argument do occur, and to be honest I wasn't completely shocked by this. There were some valid jurisdictional problems in this case, and while CAC felt they did not prevent the Court from addressing the merits of the case, today's decision in no way vindicates the anti-First Amendment position taken by the lower court and Nike's opponent in this case, Marc Kasky.

Nick Provenzo will have more to say on this later, and for now I would just add that Justice Breyer should be complimented for a fine opinion dissenting from the dismissal order.

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Rights and Reason: A Kennedy Protects Individual Rights 

:: Posted by Skip at 12:45 PM

In a crushing below to the collectivist philosophy of modern "federalism," the U.S. Supreme Court voted 6-3 to hold Texas' criminal ban on consensual gay sex unconstitutional. In one of his finest moments as a member of the high court, Justice Anthony Kennedy authored a superb opinion which struck right to the heart of the issue:
Liberty protects the person from unwarranted government intrusions into a dwelling or other private places. In our tradition the State is not omnipresent in the home. And there are other spheres of our lives and existence, outside the home, where the State should not be a dominant presence. Freedom extends beyond spatial bounds. Liberty presumes an autonomy of self that includes freedom of thought, belief, expression, and certain intimate conduct. The instant case involves liberty of the person both in its spatial and more transcendent dimensions.
More to come on this later, including a discussion of Justice Scalia's dissenting opinion, but suffice to say, today was a very good day for individual rights before the law.

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:: Wednesday, June 25, 2003 ::

The Culture: Geographical Ignorance 

:: Posted by Skip at 6:57 PM

I know college basketball players often leave school early, but what excuse does Duke Coach Mike Kryzewski have? In an interview, Coach K talked about how he thought the ACC expanding outside its traditional geographic region was a bad idea:
To me, there's a reason why the United States doesn't have a state in France or Venezuela. We don't belong there. That doesn't mean we don't deal with them. If all of a sudden Georgia is in Venezuela, the people in South America are saying, 'What the heck are these guys doing in here?' And I think we kind of did that. I think there is a lot to be said about your geographic area and that landscape.
To borrow a Buffy line, that's insane troll logic. Ever hear of Alaska and Hawaii, coach? They're not exactly in our geographic area. And indeed, native Hawaiians weren't all that thrilled when the U.S. decided to "expand" (albeit not for football purposes).

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Antitrust News: U.S. v. Univision 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 1:26 PM

The regulatory apologists at the American Antitrust Institute recently filed their Tunney Act comments on the Univision acquisition of Hispanic Broadcasting Corporation. They offer this gem:

Consider the following hypothetical. There is a substantial group of Americans who only speak Spanish and whose sources of information are limited to Spanish-speaking TV, Spanish-speaking radio, and Spanish-speaking newspapers. A single corporation by acquisition gains control over all three media. The head of that corporation would be in the position to wield enormous political and economic influence by determining what the Spanish-speaking community will know and believe. He or she could determine what political candidates will gain exposure to the Spanish-speaking electorate and whether that exposure will be positive, negative, or neutral. Being able to sway a substantial part of the Hispanic vote could determine the outcome of local, state, and national elections and the owner of this political power would be in position to make deals with a political party and with an Administration. The same corporation could dramatically influence within the Spanish-speaking community which cultural trends, products and services will be ignored, denigrated or positively portrayed, thereby having a significant impact on the economy. This is the Hypothetical of a Dominating Voice.
Of course, AAI ignores the Reality of the Dominating Regulator. Somehow the actions of businessmen in the free market are a coercive threat, and only the edits antitrust regulators reflect what the market "ought" to do.

Borrowing from AAI's style, a regulator by legislative fiat gains control over every transaction in American business. The head regulator would be in the position to wield enormous political and economic influence by determining what business transactions are allowed and not allowed. The regulator could provide favors to his or her constituency of consumers at the expense of the smaller constituency of businessmen. Being able to sway a substantial part of the vote could determine the outcome of local, state, and national elections and the owner of this political power would be in position to make deals with a political party and with an Administration.

Of course, as we all know, that would never happen.

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Rights and Reason: O'Connor's Legacy 

:: Posted by Skip at 11:12 AM

There's too much on my plate right now for me to spend a great deal of time ruminating over the affirmative action cases, but I will briefly discuss how the split rulings will impact the judicial legacy of Sandra Day O'Connor. Many conservatives, in the wake of Monday's decisions, have called for O'Connor to announce her retirement so that President Bush may nominate a more principled replacement. I certainly share that sentiment, although it must not be forgotten that it was the president's cowardly decision to overrule Solicitor General Ted Olson in favor of White House Counsel Al Gonzales' "diversity is okay in some circumstances" position that gave O'Connor the political cover she needed to rule as she did. Had General Olson been permitted to file his much stronger draft brief, O'Connor might have well voted in favor of overruling the Michigan Law School's admissions regime.

If O'Connor were to retire when the court adjourns tomorrow, it may well be that her ruling in Grutter v. Bollinger will be remembered as her signature opinion. It's actually rare that an individual justice--rather than a particular court, such as the "Warren Court"--gets remembered for a particular opinion over a body of work. In my mind, there are four such opinions which stand at the pantheon of historical legacies: John Marshall's opinion in Marbury v. Madison, Roger B. Taney's opinion in Dred Scott v. Sanford, Earl Warren's opinion in Brown v. Board of Education, and Harry Blackmun's opinion in Roe v. Wade. Taney's was obviously the most nefarious, Marshall's the most politically important, Warren's the seminal judicial act of the 20th century, and Blackmun's the most controversial in modern times.

Where does O'Connor in Grutter fall? To be fair, she doesn't come close to Taney's level of moral corruption in Dred Scott. Nor does she act in the spirit of the unanimous Warren Court in Brown. This leaves her somewhere between Marbury and Roe, which like Grutter were cases involving the intervention of the court in political disputes.

John Marshall was a great justice and a great politician, and I mean that as a compliment. In Marbury, he was faced with enormous political pressure from Thomas Jefferson (a great American, but not a great politician) to essentially ignore the law. Jefferson's minions were threatening Marshall and his colleagues with impeachment over their disagreements with certain rulings. The easy thing would have been for Marshall to back down. Instead, he fashioned an opinion--one of the first to be a true "opinion of the court" and not a collection of individual explanations--that recognized political reality without becoming a slave to it. This is the kind of thing many modern judges, including O'Connor, could never hope to accomplish, both because of the cultural conservatism of today's courts and the substitution of expediency for genuine principle.

On the other side, you have Blackmun's Roe opinion, a noble effort that produced an ignoble result. Had the Court stuck to the narrow question of whether a state's near-total ban on abortion was constitutional, the justices might have gotten themselves out of the situation without ignoring a major firestorm. Instead, Blackum went for the kill too quickly, and tried to unilaterally rewrite the legislative rules on abortion without basing them in a great deal of facts (such as deciding when life actually begins and how rights should be applied thereto.) While the result of Roe was basically correct, Blackmun's methodology led to legitimate gripes about judicial imperialism.

O'Connor's history suggests she falls closer to Blackmun than Marshall. Indeed, O'Connor's signature opinion prior to Grutter may well have been her collaborative opinion (with Anthony Kennedy and David Souter) in Planned Parenthood v. Casey, the 1992 case which reaffirmed and superseded Roe as the governing standard in abortion cases. There, the unusual triumverate opinion tried to settle the abortion question once-and-for-all by again rewriting the law, only this time doing so in a manner far vaguer than Blackmun did. It might have settled the constitutional question, but politically it just made both sides of the issue even angrier.

This then is my verdict on O'Connor: She's a political judge, and a bad one at that. She turns cases into a matter of settling political disputes rather than settling the law itself. Grutter reflects that ideology perfectly. Had she stuck to the law, the outcome would have been unpopular in some quarters, but the legal issue would have been basically settled. Instead, O'Connor tried to settle the "national debate" over affirmative action by upholding Michigan's policies, then adding her belief that 25 years from now, such policies won't be necessary. No doubt O'Connor believes that we're all just going to stop fighting over the issue until 2028.

If O'Connor or another justice does retire this week, the president must resist his apparent impulse to put another political judge on the Court. That's not to say he shouldn't consider politicians necessarily; I've been an advocate of thinking outside the "elevating appellate judges" box. In fact, one candidate that merits serious consideration is Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), one of the few principled defenders of individual rights in the current Senate. I would also not mind elevating Solicitor General Olson. Among the current appellate judges, my preferred candidate would be Ninth Circuit Judge Alex Kozinski.

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Antitrust News: States Hold Call on Peoplesoft Deal 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 10:28 AM

Reuters reports that attorney generals from several U.S. states held a conference call on Tuesday to discuss the antitrust implications of Oracle's bid for PeopleSoft.

"I'm encouraged generally by the high level of interest among my fellow attorneys general," Connecticut Attorney General Richard Blumenthal told Reuters. "There have been meaningful talks among the states and they are certainly ongoing and increasing in frequency and depth."

Connecticut, which is in the midst of a $100 million project to update its computer systems with PeopleSoft products, said last week an Oracle takeover of PeopleSoft would cost it "tens of millions of dollars" and asked a judge to block the deal, citing antitrust law.

"We're collecting evidence that confirms the anti-competitive and anti-consumer ramifications of this potential deal," Blumenthal said.

The conference call on Tuesday was "a standard, fact-finding process that typically happens any time there is word of a proposed merger or takeover bid that affects states or state government, as is the case in Texas," Texas Attorney General's Office spokesman Tom Kelley said in a statement.

Texas has not taken any legal action with regard to the deal, and Kelley declined to say how many states participated or provide specifics on the call.
As wrong as antitrust is, I have a hard time having sympaythy for Larry Ellison. How does the old saying go--"live by the gun and you'll go the same way."

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Sports: ACC Bows to Virginia Pressure 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:13 AM

The Atlantic Coast Conference's expansion plans become more unpredictable each day. Now comes word of yet another new configuration:
After 11/2 months of deliberations, discussions and telephone meetings, the Atlantic Coast Conference stunned nearly everyone last night, extending invitations to Virginia Tech and Miami, according to a source close to the situation. Boston College and Syracuse -- Big East schools that had gone through a formal process to receive invitations -- were not included, the source said.

"It's all new," said a league source, shocked that a proposal that had never been mentioned previously emerged during last night's two-hour conference call among ACC university presidents.

Last night's conference call was one of the closing chapters in a lengthy saga and marked a 180-degree reversal for Virginia Tech. Even last night, according to a university spokesman, Virginia Tech had yet to learn of its invitation from the ACC. And Virginia Tech remains a plaintiff in the lawsuit filed by five Big East schools against the ACC, Miami and Boston College in an attempt to stop expansion, which is scheduled to occur for the 2004-05 season.
So insted of a 12-school, two-division ACC, it now looks like there will be an oddly shaped 11-school conference designed, essentially, to placate Virginia politicians who have pressured the government-run University of Virginia to vote against any expansion that left out Virginia Tech.

This new proposal still leaves the problem of Connecticut's snarling attorney general, Richard Blumenthal, who vows to continue pursuing his state's lawsuit against Miami and the ACC should even one team leave the Big East. Of course, Blumenthal could quickly find himself without allies, as other Big East members are far less likely to continue the litigation if only Miami and Virginia Tech—neither a charter member of the Big East—were to leave. Big East officials are already reported to be eyeing replacements for the schools, a list that includes Louisville, Marquette, and even Xavier.

This is actually a tough situation. On the one hand, Blumenthal is legally obligated to defend the University of Connecticut's interests, and even the departure of Miami alone could have profound financial implications for UConn's rising football program. And when you take out all the idiotic fluff in Blumenthal's lawsuit—such as the antitrust claim—there is one potentially damning charge: Miami President Donna Shalala's continuing status as the Big East's representative to the Bowl Championship Series, the alliance which governs major college football's postseason:
"In addition, in 2002, during the same meeting in which she emphatically committed to Plaintiffs in the strongest terms possible that Miami was committed to the Big East, President Shalala was appointed as the Big East's presidential representative in the BCS. In this position, which she holds to this day and has never resigned, President Shalala receives critical information and acts on behalf of Big East members and is charged to look out for their interests vis a vis other conferences in this vital aspect of the Big East's participation in major college football.
If Shalala was speaking with ACC officials in secret prior to the public announcement of that conference's expansion plans, and she was simultaneously charged with protecting the Big East's BCS interests, there is undoubtedly a conflict of interests, and possibly a tort against the Big East.

Such a claim, if proven, would justify monetary damages against Shalala and Miami, maybe even the ACC, but it does not in my mind justify the relief Blumenthal is ultimately seeking--an injunction preventing Miami or any other Big East school from leaving the conference. Miami still has a right to choose its conference affiliation provided it complies with the Big East's rules for leaving, which only require a monetary payment to the other schools, something Miami has always been prepared to do.

It also can't be ignored that while Blumenthal has to protect UConn's interests, the Connecticut attorney general's overall record as an anti-capitalist regulator can't simply be overlooked. Barely a day goes by where Blumenthal doesn't deliberately attack some company's property rights--such as his recently filed antitrust suit against Oracle--and the attorney general has made it quite clear he believes the free market should give way to an economic system governed by 'enlightened' elites such as himself. For this reason, absent more direct damning evidence aganist Miami, I'm inclined to side with Shalala and the ACC against a known thug like Blumenthal.

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:: Tuesday, June 24, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: Unpublished Mayhem 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:28 PM

How many lawyers does it take to get a three-page unpublished opinion? In the antitrust appeal of RJ Reynolds Tobacco Co. v. Philip Morris USA, it took 24 lawyers on the oral arguments and briefs to assist the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit in producing a brief, unpublished per curiam opinion affirming a lower court's summary dismissal of the underlying claims. Here now is the court's entire opinion:
The plaintiffs, R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company, Lorillard Tobacco Company, and Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corporation, sued Philip Morris Incorporated in U.S. District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina for alleged violations of sections 1 and 2 of the Sherman Act, 15 U.S.C. §§ 1 and 2; North Carolina General Statutes §§ 75-1, 75-1.1, 75-2, and 75-2.1; and North Carolina common law prohibiting unfair competition. The plaintiffs, who are cigarette manufacturers competing with Philip Morris, base their case on a retail marketing program called "Retail Leaders" that Philip Morris started in 1998. Under Retail Leaders, Philip Morris provides discounts to retailers on its popular Marlboro brand in exchange for the most advantageous display and signage space in retail establishments. This arrangement, the plaintiffs say, restricts the flow of information to consumers, limits the plaintiffs’ abilities to promote their products, insulates Philip Morris from effective competition, and results in higher cigarette prices.

The district court, after considering an exhaustive record that includes extensive data and information about sales, trends, and conditions in the cigarette market for over two decades, granted (in a thorough opinion) Philip Morris’s motion for summary judgment as to all of the plaintiffs’ claims. See R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. v. Philip Morris Inc., 199 F. Supp. 2d 362 (M.D.N.C. 2002). The district court concluded that in the period "since [Philip Morris] implemented its challenged Retail Leaders program [in 1998], the cigarette market in the United States remains highly competitive, as evidenced by the general stability of market shares in the light of long-term trends, the profitability of the Plaintiffs, and the ongoing entry and increasing market share of new manufacturers." Id. at 397. We affirm the grant of summary judgment to Philip Morris, and we do so on the reasoning of the district court with one exception. With respect to the plaintiffs’ claim under section 1 of the Sherman Act, we decline to conclude, as did the district court, that Philip Morris lacks market power. We agree, however, with the rest of the district court’s analysis of the section 1 claim. Assuming for the sake of argument that Philip Morris has market power, the plaintiffs did not show that Retail Leaders substantially forecloses competition in the relevant market. See id. at 386-93. Accordingly, as the district court ultimately determined, the plaintiffs’ section 1 claim fails. On the remaining issues, we affirm on the reasoning of the district court without any modification.

The judgment of the district court is affirmed.
You'd think with all the lawsuits the tobacco company faces as an industry, they'd be less inclined to sue each other over petty antitrust claims. Then again, with the government cutting off the tobacco company's revenue at every turn, perhaps this sort of legal canibalism was inevitable.

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Antitrust News: Oliva v. United States 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:52 PM

Today we went on the offensive against antitrust, or at least I did individually. Last week a federal court approved an antitrust settlement in United States v. Village Voice Media and NT Media, the so-called "alternative newsweekly" monopoly case. The Justice Department charged the two publishers with illegal market allocation because they--horror of horrors--agreed to shut down money-losing papers in the other guy's market. In antitrust, financial failure is no excuse for denying consumers their right to your product, even when that product is a newspaper distributed free of charge to readers. The DOJ sued and the two publishers--not wanting to lose any more money--quickly settled, agreeding to divest the assets of their closed papers to third-party buyers approved by the government.

This is where I came in: As the antitrust settlement was pending, I filed a comment letter (on behalf of myself and three colleagues at Citizens for Voluntary Trade) and two amicus briefs picking apart the DOJ's weak-even-for-them case. The government dodged every attack, despite the fact they had no actual case law supporting their novel antitrust theory (namely, that there is a distinct market for "alternative newsweeklies" and that readers are injured when denied continued access to a free paper.) The judge, sadly, decided to bury his head in the sand and didn't bother to address my concerns, issuing only a formulaic one-sentence declaration that the settlement was in the "public interest."

Frankly, I've had enough of having rational, pro-individual rights arguments against these ridiculous antitrust settlements getting ignored. That's why today I filed a motion to intervene in the case post-judgment for the purpose of appealing the court's decision to enter the settlement. If this works, I will personally appeal the settlement to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit (the same folks that gave us the Michigan affirmative action cases) and try to beat back the antitrust brushfire, at least on this issue.

There are two problems I'm looking to address:

First is the wonderful DOJ tradition of ignoring the law when it comes to approving antitrust settlements. In 1974, Congress reformed the antitrust consent judgment process by requiring any proposed judgment to be subject to at least 60 days for review and public comment. Once that period expires, then the judge is supposed to weight the comments (and the government's replies) and decide for himself whether the judgment is in the "public interest" and should be made final. It's really a simple process, except that the DOJ just can't wait for anything. Many antitrust settlements are executed well before the comment period expires or the judge actually rules. In this case, the abuse of the law was particularly obscene. Village Voice and New Times completed their divestitures to third-parties nearly one month before the public comment period ended. Thus, the public and the court was effectively shut-out of the process, since it's practically impossible to undo a divestiture once it's occurred.

The second problem is a little something we call the First Amendment. Those of us who believe the Constitution means what it says think that the government cannot abridge the freedom of the press. The DOJ believes differently. Much like the University of Michigan law school, the DOJ believes the media should reflect "diversity" by encompassing multiple viewpoints. Of course, there's nothing per se wrong with multiple viewpoints. The problem is the DOJ likes to use antitrust laws to force diversity onto markets where customers and private property owners have already decided otherwise. The most traditional expression of this belief is the "essential facilities" doctrine, which holds the government may violate property rights if doing so will protect the public's "right" to access communication media deemed "essential" to the nation. This doctrine largely applies to television, radio, and cable. In this case, the DOJ wants to apply it to "alternative newsweeklies" because--get this--they provide important "anti-establishment" editorial content.

This case is the first time alternative newspapers have been deemed so "essential" as to justify antitrust regulation. Thus, if the court's judgment stands unaltered, it will open the floodgates to future DOJ (and private) lawsuits against new media producers of all types, including perhaps bloggers. Just imagine the potential lawsuit against the Volokh Conspiracy--the DOJ may require divestiture of some of their members to third-party blogs of the government's choosing. Sure, it sounds farfetched, but not much more so than claiming one can enjoy a "monopoly" over "alternative" media.

A copy of my motion to intervene can be found at this link. More to come as my litigation strategy develops.

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Rights and Reason: The Living Wage is Killing Us  

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 3:15 PM

Adam Sparks does a good job reporting on the growing "living wage" movement at SFGate.com. Thanks to Joe Carson for the tip.

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Rights and Reason: 'A Ruling That Only Goldilocks Could Love' 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 10:56 AM

GW law professor Jonathan Turley weighs in at the LA Times on yesterday's decisions in the affirmative action cases.

Of the two decisions, the undergraduate ruling may have a more lasting effect legally and politically. The decision by Chief Justice William Rehnquist was quite specific in rejecting a system that gave 20 points out of 150 for race--a level of preference viewed as modest by some other programs. This line will now become the focus of the next generation of cases for opponents of affirmative action.

Conversely, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor's decision in the law school case is so generally worded that it may be vulnerable to later reduction or outright rejection. The dissenting justices accuse O'Connor of brushing over past opinions and previously established standards to uphold the Michigan policy. Among these earlier sources are some of O'Connor's own prior opinions that seem to contradict the result in this case.

In this decision, critics say O'Connor was somewhat cavalier in her application of the "strict scrutiny test," which must be satisfied whenever the government uses a race-based classification. O'Connor, they say, accepted certain arguments of the law school uncritically. She is also criticized for not imposing a specific duration for the Michigan program or require that such programs be used only to remedy past discrimination. All of these points are contested by the four dissenting justices. Thus, much of this decision could evaporate with a seemingly innocuous tweaking of one of these elements by a new court majority, should one of the justices retire.

The dissenting justices may have sown the seeds for precisely such a later rematch. In the undergraduate case, these justices left open the question of the precise weight that can be given to race, while ruling that Michigan was clearly excessive in its program. This will trigger countless challenges using the rejected Michigan program as a benchmark.

The court is now in the position of a constitutional Goldilocks: What is too much, too little and just the right weight in an admissions program? The undergraduate case is an invitation for challenges and, as early as 2004, the court could have a new case and, more notably, a new majority.

Monday's decisions will put affirmative action squarely on the agenda for the 2004 presidential election for two obvious reasons: The Bush administration opposed both admissions programs; the decision hangs by a single vote. With four justices expressing staunch opposition that is not likely to diminish with time, the next appointment to the court very likely will dictate the future of affirmative action. This puts the doctrines of affirmative action and abortion rights precariously on the 5-4 bubble.
Even a solid liberal like Jonathan Turley sees that this ruling leaves the pro-racial preferences side on shaky ground. Good. This issue deserves to be revisited.

The big question now is what kind of justice will President Bush nominate to replace the almost inevitable retirees.

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Rights and Reason: 'A Resounding Victory For Diversity on Campus' 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 10:44 AM

Lee Bollinger, the former president of the University of Michigan and current president of Columbia University, writes in the Washington Post about yesterday's decisions in the affirmative action cases.

The court's decision, then, suggests that the court knows what the nation knows: that, unfortunately, race still matters in the United States, and that as we as a nation seek to treat all Americans fairly, treat them equitably and as individuals, college and university admissions offices cannot be barred from looking at race. As Justice Harry Blackmun wrote in Bakke, "It would be impossible to arrange an affirmative-action program in a racially neutral way and to have it successful. . . . In order to get beyond racism, we must first take account of race. There is no other way."

. . .

And, finally, it is of the highest importance to recognize that the law school policy can be applied throughout all other colleges and universities. Nothing about this policy makes it peculiarly relevant for admissions decisions regarding law schools. The Michigan undergraduate admissions policy, which the court found flawed, awarded points for race and ethnicity. The only reason for that system was to ensure consistency across many different applications reviewed by many different admissions counselors. Nothing precludes the university from now embracing a non-quantitative method that permits counselors to consider "race" as one among many factors. And that will be true of every college and university admissions program in the country. It is, therefore, misleading and inaccurate to think of what the Supreme Court has done as a "split" or "murky" decision in this area of constitutional law. It is about as clear as constitutional law gets.
It will be interesting to see just how the non-quantitative application of a non-objective standard works in practice. Bollinger and his allies may be cooing now, but as Justice Scalia predicted in his dissent, rather then end the debate, the Court's ruling opened the door for even more litigation over affirmative action.

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:: Monday, June 23, 2003 ::

Humor: Gephardt Issues Order Making Himself President  

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 11:26 PM

This just in from Scrappleface.com:

(2003-06-23) -- Just a day after announcing that he would use executive orders to overturn Supreme Court decisions, Rep. Dick Gephardt, D-MO, announced today that he has appointed himself President of the United States, effective immediately.

"I have duly sworn myself in as president," he said. "Instead of having the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court administer the oath of office, I just issued an executive order effective retroactively in advance."

President Gephardt has already issued an executive order making it illegal to "challenge the constitutionality of my reign as president."
Indeed.

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Rights and Reason: President Applauds Supreme Court for Recognizing Value of Racial Diversity 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 6:31 PM

The White House issued the following statement this afternoon in support of today's Supreme Court decision on affirmative action:

I applaud the Supreme Court for recognizing the value of diversity on our Nation's campuses. Diversity is one of America's greatest strengths. Today's decisions seek a careful balance between the goal of campus diversity and the fundamental principle of equal treatment under the law.

My Administration will continue to promote policies that expand educational opportunities for Americans from all racial, ethnic, and economic backgrounds. There are innovative and proven ways for colleges and universities to reflect our diversity without using racial quotas. The Court has made clear that colleges and universities must engage in a serious, good faith consideration of workable race-neutral alternatives. I agree that we must look first to these race-neutral approaches to make campuses more welcoming for all students.

Race is a reality in American life. Yet like the Court, I look forward to the day when America will truly be a color-blind society. My Administration will continue to work toward this important goal.
A "careful balance between the goal of campus diversity and the fundamental principle of equal treatment under the law"? That's a Clinton-esq statement if there ever was one. Today's Court decision found no such balance--there is no balance between racial preferences and equal treatment under the law. Race can not both matter and not matter at the same time.

If the President truly looked forward to the day when America will be a color-blind society, he ought to have acknowledged that today's ruling was a big step in the wrong direction.

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Rights and Reason: Supreme Court Upholds Race as a Compelling Factor in University Admissions II 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 6:04 PM

In going though today's Supreme Court decision on affirmative action, it was this paragraph in the syllabus in Grutter that made it clear to me why the individual rights side lost:

The Court endorses Justice Powell's view that student body diversity is a compelling state interest that can justify using race in university admissions. The Court defers to the Law School's educational judgment that diversity is essential to its educational mission. The Court's scrutiny of that interest is no less strict for taking into account complex educational judgments in an area that lies primarily within the university's expertise. See, e.g., Bakke, 438 U. S., at 319, n. 53 (opinion of Powell, J.). Attaining a diverse student body is at the heart of the Law School's proper institutional mission, and its "good faith" is "presumed" absent "a showing to the contrary." Id., at 318-319. Enrolling a "critical mass" of minority students simply to assure some specified percentage of a particular group merely because of its race or ethnic origin would be patently unconstitutional. E.g., id., at 307. But the Law School defines its critical mass concept by reference to the substantial, important, and laudable educational benefits that diversity is designed to produce, including cross-racial understanding and the breaking down of racial stereotypes. The Law School's claim is further bolstered by numerous expert studies and reports showing that such diversity promotes learning outcomes and better prepares students for an increasingly diverse workforce, for society, and for the legal profession. Major American businesses have made clear that the skills needed in today's increasingly global marketplace can only be developed through exposure to widely diverse people, cultures, ideas, and viewpoints. High-ranking retired officers and civilian military leaders assert that a highly qualified, racially diverse officer corps is essential to national security. Moreover, because universities, and in particular, law schools, represent the training ground for a large number of the Nation's leaders, Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U. S. 629, 634, the path to leadership must be visibly open to talented and qualified individuals of every race and ethnicity. Thus, the Law School has a compelling interest in attaining a diverse student body. 15-21.
The court responded to the claims of business and military leaders that race is a relevant criteria to judge the qualifications of an individual. Business and military leaders learned this claim at institutions like the University of Michigan, which in its "educational judgment [held] that diversity is essential to its educational mission."

And how did an institution like the University of Michigan come to hold that racial diversity is essential to its education? Because they learned it from philosophers.

Philosophy matters, and it mattered a whole hell of a lot today.

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Rights and Reason: Supreme Court Upholds Race as a Compelling Factor in University Admissions 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 3:16 PM

This morning the Supreme Court released its opinion upholding racial diversity as a compelling state interest in the University of Michigan racial preferences cases. We will have more comments after we read through the opinions.

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Antitrust News: Status Quo at the FTC 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:39 AM

There's been talk in Washington on whether the White House will "consult" with Democrats before making the next Supreme Court appointment, whenever that occurs. Frankly, I'm surprised there's much outrage among Republicans over that suggestion. After all, Democrats get consulted on a wide variety of executive appointments, and in fact even get to make some.

Take the Federal Trade Commission. Under law, no more than three members of the FTC--which functions as a quasi-court akin to the Star Chamber--can be of the same political party. Last September, Commissions Sheila Anthony's term expired, and because she holds a "Democratic" seat, Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle told the White House who would replace her. Now, the law doesn't require Daschle to be given this power, only that the President not put more than three Republicans on the FTC (in fact, four of the five current FTC commissioners are Clinton appointees, since members serve a seven-year term.) Yet political courtesy seems to trump the Constitution when it comes to given the Senate some nominating power.

Daschle's nominee to replace Anthony is Pamela Jones Harbour, currently an attorney in private practice at Kaye Scholer in New York. For whatever reason, the White House took more than eight months to actually act on Daschle's advice, and the Senate only received the nomination officially on June 12. Harbour should be easily confirmed, given her Democratic support and the inability of Republican senators to provide any scrutiny of the FTC and its work.

Don't get me wrong: Harbour isn't an extremist or some FTC version of Robert Bork. In fact, Harbour's career strongly suggests she's a respected member of the mainstream antitrust establishment. And that's precisely the problem. Her presence on the FTC will simply reaffirm the anti-business, anti-individual rights status quo, and given her Democratic affiliation, she will likely encourage the Commission to lurch in an even more dangerous direction.

The bulk of Harbour's experience was in the New York attorney general's office, a well-known hotbed of activist lawyering. In 11 years there, Harbour rose to the position of deputy attorney general in charge of the public advocacy division. Most of her "victories" came at the expense of private businesses who violated antitrust and other "competition" laws. She argued once before the Supreme Court, in a landmark price-fixing case involving the oil industry.

As antitrust lawyers go, Harbour is successful and well-respected by her colleagues. Again, that's not a good thing in this context. The FTC is already monopolized by lawyers, most of them antitrust specialists. We've seen the results of that approach: Increasing harassment of even small businesses, constant adoption of arbitrary rules to govern whole sectors of the economy, and an institutional culture that is hostile to even the slightest criticism.

Nothing says FTC members have to be antitrust lawyers, or even lawyers at all. Given the Commission's mandate to, in essence, regulate every business in America by fiat, it's not unreasonable to ask that at least one of the commissioners have some practical experience in running a business. None of the current commissioners fit that bill, and neither does Harbour, a careeantitrustst lawyer.

Another interesting facet of Harbour's career: She's a member of New York City's Campaign Finance Board. In her role there, she's supported the Board's efforts to restrict the First Amendment rights of New Yorkers to participate in the political process. For example, the Board has consistenly lobbied (and obtained) greater restrictions on who can contribute, how much they can contribute, and at the same time has tirelessly advocated greater "public"--i.e. government--financing of political campaigns. In 1998, for example, the Board convince the city to quadruple the matching rate of contributions, giving a candidate $4 for every $1 raised from a local contributor. At the same time, the Board shut out more players in the political process by banning organizational contributions, such as those from nonprofit advocacy groups and and political committees. The Board said this was necessary to prevent "the dangers
of corruption" and "erosion of confidence in the democratic process."

I bring this up because, as an FTC commissioner, Harbour will be charged with deciding whether markets are competitive enough. Her work on the Campaign Finance Board suggests she views the free market as inherently anti-competitive, and that government regulators, and not consumers (or voters), should decide who can compete and under what conditions. That's hardly a positive message for the White House to send businesses in the current economic climate, and certainly not at a time when the FTC has become more aggressive in expanding their portfolio and, subsequently, reducing the rights of individuals and businesses.

(It's also ironic that Harbour, the Board member, is concerned with corruption and erosion of the democratic process. Few agencies are as corrupt and anti-democratic as the FTC, which operates largely in secret and generally acts without regard for the rights of American citizens.)

Harbour's by no means the next Hitler or some dangerous radical. But the time for stacking the deck at the FTC with career regulators has to stop. It would be better for the country, and the White House, if Harbour went back to her law offices in New York and the President found a pro-individual rights businessman to take the FTC position and begin waging war on that institution's corrupt culture.

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:: Friday, June 20, 2003 ::

Crime and Punishment: Orrin Hatch, Computer Pirate! 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 4:24 PM

Wired News confirms that Senator Orrin Hatch is using unlicensed software on his official website.

The senator's site makes extensive use of a JavaScript menu system developed by Milonic Solutions, a software company based in the United Kingdom. The copyright-protected code has not been licensed for use on Hatch's website.

"It's an unlicensed copy," said Andy Woolley, who runs Milonic. "It's very unfortunate for him because of those comments he made."

Hatch on Tuesday surprised a Senate hearing on copyright issues with the suggestion that technology should be developed to remotely destroy the computers of people who illegally download music from the Net.

Hatch said damaging someone's computer "may be the only way you can teach somebody about copyrights," the Associated Press reported. He then suggested the technology would twice warn a computer user about illegal online behavior, "then destroy their computer."
I wonder how much damage Sen. Hatch's career will suffer as a result of his hypocrisy. Like I said yesterday, Treble Damages! Treble Damages! Treble Damages!

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Antitrust News: Connecticut Files Antitrust Lawsuit To Block Oracle Takeover Of PeopleSoft 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 3:15 PM

From CRN:

It was Massachusetts vs. Microsoft and now it's Connecticut vs. Oracle.

The Nutmeg state filed an antitrust lawsuit to block Oracle's hostile takeover of PeopleSoft, according to a statement issued Wednesday.

The lawsuit, to be filed Wednesday in U.S. District Court in Hartford, charges that the proposed $6.3 billion acquisition would violate state and federal antitrust statutes, according to state officials.

A combined Oracle/PeopleSoft would boost prices for businesses and consumers by "significantly reducing competition in the markets PeopleSoft serves and forcing current PeopleSoft customers to replace their software with other companies' products," according to the statement issued by governor John Rowland, Attorney General Richard Blumenthal and Comptroller Nancy Wyman.

Connecticut is a PeopleSoft customer, according to the PeopleSoft's Web site.
Well, there you have it. Antitrust as a form of price control.

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Antitrust News: ProBusiness and Procompetitive 

:: Posted by Skip at 1:31 PM

Another merger comes to a happy conclusion:
After a six-month investigation, federal regulators have cleared the $500 million acquisition of Pleasanton-based ProBusiness Services Inc. by payroll processing giant Automatic Data Processing Inc., or ADP.

In a statement Friday, ProBusiness said the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice closed its investigation of the proposed acquisition and granted early termination of the mandated waiting period under the Hart-Scott-Rodino Antitrust Improvements Act on Thursday.

Because ProBusiness has a large share of Fortune 500 clients, experts worried that a merger with ADP would concentrate too much share in the payroll processing market. Shares of ProBusiness were trading well below the deal price earlier this year as Wall Street analysts speculated publicly about whether the deal would be blocked.
It's nice that the DOJ allowed the merger to proceed, but you have to question the efficiency of a process that takes six months to look for something wrong, yet turns up nothing. Once upon a time, we called that a "witch hunt," not law enforcement.

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Antitrust News: Carlsbad Completed 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:17 AM

The Federal Trade Commission has officially ordered the dissolution of the Carlsbad Physician Association, a New Mexico physician group, for committing the "crime" of jointly negotiating with health insurance companies. CAC was apparently the only commenter of record. You can read CAC's comments here.

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Antitrust News: Oracle Bid Rejected 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:56 AM

This is a sentence you rarely read:
Business software maker PeopleSoft Inc.'s Friday said its board unanimously rejected a sweetened hostile takeover bid by Oracle Corp. on the grounds that the combination would violate antitrust laws.
Normally it's the Federal Trade Commission's job to decide if a merger violates the antitrust laws. After all, they're the only ones who know for sure. Most antitrust analysts, in fact, think an Oracle-PeopleSoft merger would withstand antitrust scrutiny.

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Rights & Reason: The Food Wars, cont'd 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:50 AM

If you need further empirical evidence to support my argument that John Banzhaf & Co. are indeed terrorists, take a look at the statements they've made via the Center for Consumer Freedom. And yes, CCF is funded by the food industry. But the quotes cited on this page are from third-party news sources.

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Rights & Reason: The War on Food 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:38 AM

Not all terrorists hide in caves. Some meet in Boston:
Lawyers will gather this weekend with public health officials to plan how to sue fast-food chains for obesity and make more money.

The Obesity Lawsuit Conference, which starts today in Boston, is aimed at putting fast-food chains on the defensive and "encouraging trial lawyers to become involved in lawsuits where they can make money," said John F. Banzhaf III, a professor of law at George Washington University and the activist spearheading the effort.
It is truly remarkable that John Banzhaf is allowed to practice law in this country, to say nothing of the fact he's paid to teach it to future generations of lawyers.

Banzhaf's war on the food industry is not about public health, and it's not even about making money for himself and his colleagues. Banzhaf is waging war against the basic individual rights this nation was founded upon. His ideology is that only a self-appointed elite—led by himself, of course—should have the unquestioned power to decide which personal choices are acceptable for American society as a whole. In this sense, Banzhaf is no different than thousands of men throughout history who have sought to employ force simply out of a desire to hold and exercise power over other men.

I've faced criticism—even from colleagues—for calling John Banzhaf a terrorist. But in the post 9/11 world, one lesson we should have learned is that when you're faced with evil, you must identify it and label it for what it is. This is not to say John Banzhaf is Osama Bin Laden. Far from it. But terrorism has different levels and categories. We won't need the Marines to occupy Banzhaf's GW Law School office. But we do need to stop Banzhaf and his co-conspirators before it's too late. This means we must use every rational and legal means available to not simply defend businesses against Banzhaf's attacks, but to put Banzhaf on the defensive, ultimately destroying his ability to earn a living if he does not end his war. By this, I mean that we should exhaust every reasonable avenue to secure Banzhaf's removal from the GW faculty and his disbarment from every court he is a member of. One of the principal reasons for the rise in litigation abuse in this country is the unwillingness of legal institutions to hold their member attorneys to rational—and moral—standards of conduct.

Remember one thing: John Banzhaf has no genuine client. He is not an advocate trying to right an injustice. He is seeking to use the courts as a tool of force against innocent private businesses. The government may enjoy a legal and moral monopoly on the use of force, but that monopoly's legitimacy is rooted in the basic understanding that such force may only be employed in the protection of individual rights. When individuals are allowed to hijack the government's power and use it to violate these rights, then we are faced with the prospect of tyranny.

If there's one encouraging sign in all this, it's that the food industry has given every indication they will fight back. Even small restaurant owners understand Banzhaf is not simply looking for shakedown money—he's looking to destroy them:
"Not only do the lawsuits ... fail to acknowledge the voluntary nature of the choices customers make, they also do not address the fundamental issue of personal responsibility," Washington restaurateur Christianne Ricchi of Italian restaurant i Ricchi testified yesterday.

"While I am confident we will overcome all of these obstacles, the prospect of dealing with the legal fees alone from a potential lawsuit causes me great concern for the future of my business, my employees and our industry as a whole."

Mr. Banzhaf dismissed suggestions that obesity is the result of profligate eating.

"Virtually everyone agrees obesity and obesity-related diseases occurred suddenly in the past 15 to 20 years," he said.

Mrs. Ricchi said personal accountability is the real issue, and that by taking aim at restaurants they are limiting freedom of choice for Americans.

"My view as a business owner is that we're here to offer options."

While the target of obesity lawsuits are fast-food companies, Mrs. Ricchi said that if the lawsuits continue, small businesses like hers will be hurt.

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:: Thursday, June 19, 2003 ::

The Culture: Random Thoughts 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:51 PM

Am I the only one disturbed by the thought that it's apparently easier to add ten nations to the European Union than it is to add three (or four) colleges to the Atlantic Coast Conference? Of course, when the Czech Republic voted to join the EU recently, they didn't face a lawsuit from Connecticut Attorney General Richard Blumenthal.

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Antitrust News: The International Pokemon Cartel 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:10 PM

This weekend, U.S. antitrust officials are heading for Mexico to meet with their colleagues from across the globe in the so-called International Competition Network. I suspect that there's some sort of contest between antitrust agencies to come up with the most petty case possible. Heading into this weekend, the European Commission is making a strong claim for the title:
BRUSSELS, Belgium -- European regulators have opened proceedings against U.S. trading card marketer Topps Company Inc. for suspected anticompetitive practices in the distribution of cards and stickers featuring Pokemon cartoon characters.

The European Commission said Thursday it had found evidence that Topps' European subsidiaries and their distributors "put in place an elaborate strategy to prevent imports from low-price to high-price countries" at the height of a Pokemon craze among European children in 2000.

The Commission said the company had pledged in November 2000 to bring its distribution into line with EU rules and that there was no evidence of anticompetitive behavior since then.
One can only imagine the European Commission meeting where Pokemon cards were discussed. The French and German representatives no doubt wanted to create a centralized European Pokemon Authority, only to be thwarted by smaller nations who feared the potential dominance of French and German Pokemon characters. The British, of course, were committed in principle to a central authority but decided to retain Britain's Pokemon independence until certain conditions could be met. The U.S., meanwhile, was threatening a trade war unless the EU allowed genetically modified Pokemon to be imported into Europe.

I smell an Onion story in this...

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Rights and Reason: Antitrust and Morality 

:: Posted by Skip at 6:25 PM

CAC has long maintained the antitrust laws, especially as applied today, violate numerous parts of the Constitution, such as the First, Seventh, and Ninth Amendments. But what about the Thirteenth Amendment, which prohibits slavery. George Mason University professor Tyler Cowen—the 14th Volokh conspirator—suggests essentially that in a post today:
Isn't the application of antitrust law almost a kind of slavery?

Take an athlete -- say Michael Jordan -- who monopolizes his own services and restricts his output to the market. It is hard to find a clearer case of market power, not to mention barriers to entry. Wouldn't it be a kind of slavery to go "trust-busting" and force MJ to do more commercials, or play another year of basketball? I say yes.

But is the corporate case really that much different? What if some people organize into a group and do the same thing? How can it be justified to force them to produce more output? Under some economic assumptions, the output restrictions of monopoly cause more factors of production to switch into other sectors (though then you have to wonder if anyone measures the net output restriction, the answer is they don't). Under other assumptions, there is no switching. Output restriction simply means that the monopolist and its employees work less hard.

And we are back to antitrust policy being a kind of quasi-slavery. In my view, you don't have to be a Bob Nozick to be worried about this.
This is an argument CAC raised in some of its earliest comment letters on the physician antitrust issue, but in recent filings we've decided to highlight the First and Ninth Amendment problems. But maybe more should be made of the "antitrust as slavery" argument, since it cuts right to the long-term impact of these policies on businessmen. Indeed, with the creeping reemergence of socialized medicine via prescription drug "benefits," the time may be rapidly approaching when people will need to look at the healthcare issue for what it is: The government trying to enslave healthcare producers for the sake of consumers. In a sense, it's really no different than the economic model of slavery employed by Southern plantation owners in the antebellum era.

This is not to suggest American doctors are facing the prospect of being physically bullwhipped into lifelong servitude, but keep in mind slavery was kept in the South principally for economic reasons. Plantation owners were simply unwilling to part with their cheap labor force kept in place by government policies which refused to protect the rights of the enslaved people. The same is rapidly becoming true of physicians, who find themselves with a "moral" obligation to provide services regardless of the economic cost to them.

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Rights and Reason: National Hispanic Policy Institute strikes again 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 2:23 PM

Despite not even having a web page, the National Hispanic Policy Institute (NHPI) apparently has a budget large enough to pay for a host of full page newspaper ads opposing the merger between Univision and Hispanic Broadcasting Corporation. The latest “Open Letter to Theodore Roosevelt Republicans” appeared today in the Washington Times. Here's the angle, with appropriate Fisking:

Teddy Roosevelt: He was America’s Number-One crusader against business monopolies held by what he called the malefactors of great wealth.

Our twenty-sixth president was a Republican who believed in the idea that true free enterprise can only exist when independent entrepreneurs aren’t threatened with extinction by greedy corporations and trusts.

Believed it, fought for it, made it part of the Republican Party creed.
And was 100% wrong. Despite all the graft and political corruption around him, Roosevelt never recognized that free enterprise is not protected when government regulators are given the power to overturn the economic decisions of businessmen.

Question: What would Teddy Roosevelt say if he were alive today and saw his fellow Republicans in the White House and in Congress stand idly by while a federal agency paved the for a monopoly takeover of the nation’s Spanish-language media? A takeover engineered and advanced by a handful of media billionaires.
For all his errors, at least Roosevelt attempted to apply a reasonableness standard to antitrust. One has to wonder if Teddy Roosevelt would consider NHPI’s naked attempt to use antitrust to protect its racial fiefdom reasonable.

Fact: The Federal Communications Commission last week handed down a pro-monopoly edict on national media ownership.
Hardly. Re-regulation is not deregulation.

And that’s not all. The same FCC - controlled by a three-member Republican majority – is now being asked to approve a proposed merger of Univision and Hispanic Broadcasting Corporation that would hand-deliver 70 PERCENT of the countries Spanish-language media market to two media giants – Univision and Clear Channel.

That’s right, 70 PERCENT! A merger, in other words, that would allow a pair of NON-Hispanic billionaires, Jerry Perenchio of Univision and Lowry Mays of Clear Channel, HBC’s largest shareholder, to dominate the nation’s Spanish-language media market and in turn, Latino culture. It would allow wealthy major shareholders of HBC such as Warren Tichenor and CEO Mac Tichenor to benefit enormously, but not Hispanic citizens.
This is where NHPI’s racism and anti-wealth mentality reveals itself in full flesh. Just how would Jerry Perenchio and Lowry Mays continue to profit? Only by serving the interests of their customers. Does one have to be of the same race to provide goods and services to others of a certain race? The answer is no, but NHPI seems to say yes.

FACT: A poll taken by Opiniones Latinas shows that an overwhelming majority (87%) of Hispanic-Americans believe that Spanish-language radio stations owned by Latinos are better able to understand and respond to the needs of Hispanic listeners.
So what? 87% of any group does not have the right to violate the property rights of anyone.

Yet if a Univision-HBC merger is approved, independent Hispanic station owners across the country face a future of being devoured or crushed by an FCC-blessesed NON-Hispanic monopoly.
Another revealing statement. If the FCC blessed a “Hispanic monopoly” that was seen to play to the advantage of Democrats, would NHPI oppose the merger? Unlikely.

Question: Given the vital importance of this issue to the Hispanic media market, is it conceivable that the FCC would fast-track the Univision-HBC merger behind closed doors and without a single public hearing? And why, despite repeated professions of “outreach” has the Hispanic community not heard Republican voices raised against the threat of this monopoly to Spanish-language media? Who are these super-rich beneficiaries and why are their profits more important than the culture and will of Hispanic citizens?
Who are the beneficiaries of NHPI’s aggressive lobbying campaign? I suspect NHPI’s efforts have less to do with the Univision-HBC merger and more to do with the Democrats’ anger over Republican inroads with the Hispanic voters. The mere fact that Republican sympathizers are going to own a major player in Hispanic media represents a massive threat to Democracts.

FACT: Teddy Roosevelt’s portrait is prominently displayed at the White House. Isn’t it time to begin matching words with deeds?
I’ll make that one easy—let’s move Teddy Roosevelt’s portrait to a White House broom closet and replace it with the portrait of an American leader who defended the rights of businessmen. Anyone have any recommendations?

Sincerely,
State Senator Efrain Gonzalez, Jr. (NY)
President, National Hispanic Policy Institute
Gonzalez doesn’t mention that he is a Democrat, which one would think would be a pretty important fact in a letter addressed to Republicans.

NHPI’s lobbying campaign reveals the extent of the Democrats’ fear of Republican gains in the Hispanic community. The Univision-HBC merger is not a big deal, unless of course you believe the fate of your party hinges upon it. While it’s unlikely any Republicans are going to be swayed by NHPI’s attempts to derail the merger, one has to wonder about the lager forces in play here.

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Public Service Announcement: Reporting Bad Spending 

:: Posted by Skip at 1:28 PM

The House Budget Committee has setup a website to report waste, fraud, and abuse in government spending. The webpage contains a form for citizens to complain about specific incidents of bad spending. Interestingly, the form's list of government agencies does not include the Federal Trade Commission. I guess this means the FTC never engages in waste, fraud, or abuse...

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Crime and Punishment: Orrin Hatch, Computer Pirate? 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 12:04 PM

Laurence Simon looked at the source code of Senator Orrin Hatch's website and well, what do you know, the good Senator is apparently using Javascript code for his web menus in violation of the developer's license agreement.

Treble Damages! Treble Damages! Treble Damages!

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Connecticut v. Oracle: Reading Between the Lines 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:30 AM

In reading Connecticut's antitrust complaint against Oracle, the following paragraph is worth noting, because it goes to the heart of antitrust philosophy. The paragraph in question discusses entry into the market Oracle and PeopleSoft are competing in:
Entry into the relevant markets by a new enterprise software provider would be extremely difficult, time-consuming, and expensive. The enterprise software industry serves enterprises through complex software that is often customized to serve a particular customer’s specific needs. Thus, costs and risks associated with switching providers can be extremely high. Moreover, enterprises will be reluctant to switch to a smaller or midsize financial or human resources software provider with untested scalability, performance and international effectiveness.
Notice the complaint does not say market entry would be "impossible." This is an important distinction. A "monopoly," classically defined, means that there is some barrier which effectively prevents any entry by a new competitor. The reason for this is quite simple: a monopoly once meant the governor was erecting some barrier to prevent marketplace entry. For example, in 16th-Century England, the Crown would often give a merchant exclusive rights to a line of commerce, thus legally excluding any other competitor who might try to enter the market. That is a monopoly. What we deal with in antitrust today, in contrast, is dominant private firms that lack these sorts of legal insulation.

In reading the paragraph above, one clearly understands that Oracle and PeopleSoft compete in a market where a new entrant can't simply setup shop tomorrow and be successful. Like most technology markets, this market requires a new entrant earn customers over a period of time. But Connecticut refuses to be that patient. Acting as a customer here, they want some guarantee that there will be a new entrant now, or they won't take the risk of allowing Oracle to buy PeopleSoft. That—not the prospect of a "monopoly"—is what drives this and every other antitrust case. In its modern application, antitrust is a glorified form of risk-spreading. A customer feels their short-term interests will be inconvenienced by the acts of a producer, so rather than risk that inconvenience, they use antitrust to place the blame squarely on the producer by infringing on his property rights.

The Golden Rule of antitrust is: The consumer is never responsible for their own decisionmaking. If a consumer makes a bad decision, it's because some producer is acting "anti-competitively."

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Antitrust News: Big East-ACC, continued 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:14 AM

The ACC pulled a neat trick in their continuing expansion war by inviting Virginia Tech to join Miami, Syracuse, and Boston College in bolting the Big East. In reality, the ACC was put into this position by Virginia Gov. Mark Warner, who essentially forced the University of Virginia to vote against ACC expansion unless Virginia Tech was taken care of. This example demonstrates the folly of a state-run university "system": What do you do when two state-run schools have a conflict? Arguably, Virginia was being politically forced into voting against its interests for the sake of a smaller sister school. At the same time, Warner was in a tough position because he's legally responsible for the fate of all the government-run universities, and Virginia Tech would clearly suffer if they were left in a rump Big East. Thus, I'm not criticizing any particular actor here, merely stating the importance of removing universities from the political world altogether.

The other question is how the Virginia Tech invitation will affect the political lawsuit brought by Connecticut's rabid-dog attorney general, Richard Blumenthal, and the rump Big East schools against the ACC. Virginia Tech and the Commonwealth of Virginia are co-plaintiffs in that action. Does this mean that Virginia will now become a defendant? That's got to be a civil procedure nightmare. It's unlikely Blumenthal would drop the lawsuit, given that the University of Connecticut's alleged injuries would only be compounded if the Big East were further gutted by losing Tech.

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Rights & Reason: The New York, er Washington Times 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:05 AM

The Washington Times continues their intellectual dishonesty on prescription drugs with yet another editorial telling us why there's nothing to worry about. I'm beginning to wonder if Tony Blankley is still running the editorial page over there, or whether he's yielded control to the former Iraqi information minister. Consider this poorly-reasoned paragraph:
Another reason why a Republican-driven prescription-drug law is beneficial to U.S. drug companies is that it will protect their patent rights. Foreign outfits ripping off U.S. patents pose one of the largest economic threats to the American pharmaceutical industry. Currently, there is measurable political support among liberals to bring in pirated drugs from Canada and Europe because they are cheaper. (Forgers avoid the high research and development costs of legitimate firms that actually create new medicines.) Take away the prohibitive pricing problem that exists now, as the developing legislation would do, and the pressure to import cheaper drugs disappears and U.S. patents are safe, at least in this country.
Drugs are cheaper in Canada and Europe because the government runs the healthcare system in those countries. The Times, in essence, is suggesting we join the fray by partially socializing our system with respect to prescription drugs. At the same time, the Times wants you to believe that by taking step one, we won't take steps two and three into actually socializing our system like Canada. But by surrendering the moral and tactical advantage on the drug issue, it will be substantially harder to resist calls for greater government intervention in the healthcare market in the future. The Times refuses to accept this reality.

Also note the Times said the "Republican-driven prescription drug law." If Democrats had proposed the exact same bill, the Times would likely look at the facts and oppose the measure. This is partisan editorializing at its New York Times-like worst. Indeed, the Times once again concludes an op-ed on this issue by making this utterly ridiculous claim:
Add these policy benefits to the political windfall passage of a prescription-drug law would bring, and Republicans have win-win legislation on their hands. With one less issue to demagogue, Democrats are worried — and should be.
Once again, I say: The Republicans have won the White House in four of the last six elections, and retained the House for five consecutive elections. They did that without having enacted a prescription drug benefit. Why exactly is it imperative to do so now? Nobody believes that passing the current bill will end Democratic demagoguery on this or any other issue. Does the Times think Ted Kennedy and Tom Daschle will be satisfied with anything less than full government control over healthcare? They'll continue to demagogue this issue until Republicans surrender unconditionally. And this prescription drug bill is a great place to start. Republicans—with the Times cheering them on—are preparing to surrender their basic political principles to score some cheap, quick political points.

In 1995, Bill Clinton famously claimed "the era of big government is over." Democrats obviously abandoned that mantra the minute Clinton was out of the electoral picture. But who would have thought Republicans would abandon it at a time when they were politically at their strongest.

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The Culture: Reforming College Sports 

:: Posted by Skip at 7:48 AM

Earlier this month I proposed removing college football from the jurisdiction of the NCAA entirely by having the major colleges form a new for-profit entity. Robert Benne, a professor at Roanoke College, appears to be thinking along the same lines:
The athletic departments should simply be made auxiliaries of the universities. They would be severed from any academic pretense — becoming athletic organizations associated with the universities. They would be self-supporting with the revenue-generating sports subsidizing the others. Donors would support them to their hearts' content. Coaches would be paid the going market rate without any suggestion they were involved in the academic life of the university. Athletic departments would be free of Title IX craziness since athletes wouldn't be getting aid from the university. Athletes would be honestly recruited according to athletic prowess, not according to the illusion they are scholar-athletes, when in truth they have only minimal academic capacities. They would be paid modest sums — stipulated by the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) — for their labors. Those athletes who were really serious about academic life could take their pay in education vouchers, which could be used at the university whenever they wanted to use them.
My only major disagreement with Benne is his view that the NCAA should remain in the picture. It is the NCAA, in fact, which is the biggest stumbling block to genuine reform of major college sports because of its leadership's fanatical devotion to the immoral concept of forced amateurism.

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:: Wednesday, June 18, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: Blumenthal Rides Again 

:: Posted by Skip at 7:06 PM

Fresh off filing a lawsuit to prevent expansion of the Atlantic Coast Conference, Connecticut Attorney General Richard Blumenthal was first to the courthouse to stop the potential Oracle takeover of PeopleSoft:
SAN FRANCISCO - The State of Connecticut intends to file an antitrust lawsuit against Oracle in a bid to thwart its hostile takeover of PeopleSoft.

The lawsuit, which is expected to be filed in U.S. District Court in Hartford Wednesday, alleges that Oracle's planned takeover would violate state and federal antitrust laws and damage the state's economy.

"Oracle's hostile takeover bid has the potential to cost the state millions of dollars, and is a threat to the progress we have made in recent years in technology improvements," said Connecticut Governor John G. Rowland in a statement.

Oracle surprised the industry earlier this month by announcing a $16 per share offer to take over its business software rival. After swapping lawsuits with PeopleSoft, Oracle today upped its offer to $19.50 per share, or $6.3 billion.

The State of Connecticut has a personal stake in the acquisition. On July 8th, it is supposed to go live with the first stage of a five year, $100 million PeopleSoft installation, and the State Comptroller's Office, which is participating in the lawsuit, is concerned about the effects of an Oracle takeover.

"We're in the middle of a $100 million conversion, and the whole thing will probably be derailed, or at least severely hampered if we had to switch from PeopleSoft to another company," said Steve Jensen, a spokesman for the State's Comptroller Office.
It's one thing for Connecticut, as a consumer, to insist on protecting its private contractual rights with a company that might be subject to a takeover. That's simply responsible business practices. It's quite another thing, however, to interfere with the actions of other businesses on the grounds that you—as the consumer—might not like the outcome of that action. In this context, antitrust laws are basically a license to insert yourself into other people's business affairs at will.

And frankly, given Blumenthal's track record, my guess is that he's seeking publicity and political benefit as the "man who stopped Oracle" more than he's looking to protect his state's financial interests.

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Crime and Punishment: DirecTV Suing Consumers Directly 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 11:54 AM

Law.com reports:

Thousands of satellite television "pirates" in Florida and across North America are under attack by lawyers for DirecTV who have filed hundreds of federal lawsuits against consumers who allegedly bought mail-order decoders enabling them to steal the company's digital programming.

In U.S. District Court in South Florida, more than 300 suits were filed in May alone against consumers in Miami-Dade, Broward and Palm Beach counties. And many more actions are on the way -- both locally and elsewhere, according to a spokesman for DirecTV.

The new wave of litigation is the latest move by Los Angeles-based DirecTV in the Internet war between the company and satellite pirates looking to tap in for free. So-called "pirate Web sites" that sell decoders and advocate their use sometimes cast the fight as a matter of freedom of access to information. One site even taunts DirecTV for its "ineffective" strategy to solve "their tremendous piracy problem."

"What they want is freedom to steal," said DirecTV spokesman Robert Mercer.

[ . . .]

DirecTV is demanding that violators be ordered to pay $10,000 in damages for each "pirate access device" purchased by a defendant, plus $850 in attorney fees. The $10,000 figure is the amount of damages that's provided for in federal law.
I can live with that. People who steal ought to be held accountable under the law.

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Crime and Punishment: Orrin Hatch's A-Bomb against online piracy 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 11:28 AM

According to Ted Bridis of the AP,

Illegally download copyright music from the Internet once, or even twice, and you get a warning. Do it a third time, and your computer gets destroyed.

That's the suggestion made by the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee at a Tuesday hearing on copyright abuse, reflecting a growing frustration in Congress over failure of the technology and entertainment industries to protect copyrights in a digital age.

The surprise statement by Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, that he favors developing technology to remotely destroy computers used for illegal downloads represents a dramatic escalation in the increasingly contentious rhetoric over pirated music.

During a discussion of methods to frustrate computer users who illegally exchange music and movie files over the Internet, Hatch asked technology executives about ways to damage computers involved in such file trading. Legal experts have said any such attack would violate federal anti-hacking laws.
Protecting the property rights of intellectual property creators ought to be top priority in Washington. But frankly, has Hatch lost his mind? Does the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee remember the concept of due process under the law? I wonder.

UPDATE: Hatch is now attempting to back away from his statement (Thanks Instapundit). In a press release on his web site, Hatch claims
“I am very concerned about Internet piracy of personal and copyrighted materials, and I want to find effective solutions to these problems.

“I made my comments at yesterday’s hearing because I think that industry is not doing enough to help us find effective ways to stop people from using computers to steal copyrighted, personal or sensitive materials. I do not favor extreme remedies – unless no moderate remedies can be found. I asked the interested industries to help us find those moderate remedies.”
Hatch's statement is not really a retraction, but a blame shift. As a legislator, its Hatch's job to write constitutional laws that provide appropriate penalties against those who violate the property rights of others. That's it. Beyond that, he should keep his free advice to himself.

And in one last dig, if Hatch is so concerned about property rights, why does he continue to support the antitrust laws? Maybe if there were treble damages for IP pirates instead of successful businessmen, there would be less piracy and more successful businesses.

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Rights and Reason: House Ways and Means Committee passes Medicare prescription drug bill 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 11:12 AM

The AP reports that the Republican prescription drug bill passed its first major hurdel in the House after a 25-15 party line vote in the House Ways and Means Committee.

The Medicare reform bill has roused the Americans for Free Choice in Medicine.

"The ideas in the proposed Medicare reform bills are based on government control," explained Richard E. Ralston, AFCM's executive director. "It's an attempt by the government to control health care costs by restricting medical treatment for the oldest Americans under the guise of prescription drug coverage. Patients have the right to choose and purchase the drugs they need in consultation with their doctors."

Citing Congressional Budget Office (CBO) analysis of the Bush-backed Medicare reforms, which estimates that many employers will drop their retired employees' drug coverage, Ralston pointed out that the medical profession will be deeply hurt by the changes.

"Pharmaceutical firms are one of the primary reasons why the United States has the best health care in the world," Ralston declared. "Their ability to research and produce the best drugs for treatment of catastrophic diseases will be seriously inhibited if the President signs Medicare reform. There will be practically no incentive for drug companies to produce drugs for older Americans."
True. Compassionate conservativism is not all that compassionate.

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:: Tuesday, June 17, 2003 ::

The Courts: Defining "International Law" 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:39 AM

I despise Robert Bork's political philosophy, but he makes a good argument against the proliferation of "international law" in today's Wall Street Journal:
Courts also look to the writings of scholars for evidence of what international law is. Compared with 1789, we now have a plethora, one might say a surfeit, of professors of international law, and they, by and large, support the notion that the law of nations deals with individuals and corporations as well as nations. They also seek aggressively to expand what international law covers, everything from the right to a healthy environment to the right to organize and bargain collectively in all countries. So much for sovereignty.

There could be no more anti-democratic way to make international law than to rest it upon the opinions of professors. That process is not only anti-constitutional and undemocratic, it is class oriented. The professoriat in social matters is well to the left of the American public; the international law they claim exists is not one Congress would define under its constitutional power. Judge Robb, concurring in Tel-Oren, put it well: courts "ought not to serve as debating clubs for professors willing to argue over what is or what is not an accepted violation of international law."

That is not the worst of it. When American courts undertake to decide what is lawful and what is unlawful in foreign countries, they risk interfering with the foreign relations of the U.S. There is certain to be resentment when a foreign nation is told by an American court that actions their courts allow are nevertheless illegal. In many of these cases, of course, there is no possibility that damages will be paid, though there may be when American corporations are held liable under a vague and constantly evolving customary international law. But a judgment that international law has been violated constitutes a propaganda victory for one view of appropriate world-wide social policy. That is a misuse of our courts to award professors and advocacy groups a moral and legal legitimacy that is not rightly theirs.
As leftist groups find their objectives thwarted at the ballot box and in traditional American common law, they are more frequently seeking refuge behind "international law," a term which practically speaking means the socialist policies of European elitists.

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Rights & Reason: Resisting Educational Tyranny 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:14 AM

The latest battle in the cultural war between the state education monopoly and individualists is taking place in Waltham, Mass., and things may get worse before they get better:
Two homeschooled teen-agers in Waltham, Mass., have consistently refused to take a mandatory assessment test demanded by the local school district, and their parents have backed up the kids' decision – a six-year stance that culminated in an early-morning standoff with government and law-enforcement officials outside their home.

According to a report in the MetroWest Daily News, social workers from the Department of Social Services and police officers confronted the family at 7:45 a.m. Thursday, demanding that George, 15, and Nyssa, 13, complete a standardized test.

As they have done in the past, the children refused to go, even though the government now has legal custody of them.

"There have been threats all along. Most families fall to that bullying by the state and the legal system," dad George Bryant Sr. told the paper. "But this has been a six-year battle between the Waltham Public Schools and our family over who is in control of the education of our children. In the end, the law of this state will protect us."

DSS worker Susan Etscovitz tried to use the fact that the Bryants technically don't have custody of their own children in her plea.

"We have legal custody of the children and we will do with them as we see fit," Etscovitz told the Bryants, according to the Daily News. "They are minors and they do what we tell them to do."

Four police officers were also at the scene and attempted to coax the Bryants into complying with the DSS worker.

One of the law-enforcement officers told the paper: "We will not physically remove the children."

According to the report, the Bryants contend that no government entity has the legal right to force their children to take standardized tests, even though DSS workers have threatened to take their children from them.
There is no other way to say it: The state’s actions here crossed the line from merely abusing power to outright tyranny. Ms. Etscoivitz’s statement makes it perfectly clear the state’s principal interest here is exerting force over the minds of the Bryants and their children without any regard for the objective merit of the state’s pretextual goal. The Bryants are completely right in defying the state’s demands, and they should continue do so by any rational means available (which means I’m not suggesting they precipitate a Waco-like siege.) Indeed, if they voluntarily allowed their children to be coerced by the state into taking these tests, the Bryants themselves would be committing moral treason against their children, and the Bryants appear to understand this.

Mrs. Bryant made a statement that particularly impressed me. She said that her children’s education was their “intellectual property.” That’s an important identification, and one we don’t hear about much. The educational debate in this country, more often than not, treats children as mere pawns or property (as Etscovitz’s statement demonstrates.) Educational policy is directed towards appeasing politicians and teachers unions. Politicians want standardized tests, while unions seek control over as many students as possible to enhance their bargaining power with school districts. Little of this policy has anything to do with teaching children to become rational adults.

Viewed in this light, the Bryants should be applauded for their courageous, principled, and moral stand. The state’s goal here is to harm the education of the Bryants’ children; that is to say, it’s an effort by the government to destroy the educational process these children have learned under, despite their merits or successes. This is not simply a random state action, but a deliberate attack on the principles of individualism and, ultimately, on the mind itself.

The question is how will this situation resolve itself. If the Bryants continue to defy the state’s tyranny, will the state respond with force by removing the children against their will? I know that if I were a police officer caught in the middle, I would not obey such an order. We all remember the horrifying images of Elizan Gonzalez being forcibly taken and shipped back to Cuba. If such a thing were to happen to two American teenagers in the name of standardized testing, I suspect the public’s reaction would be substantially more inflamed.

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Rights & Reason: Intellectual Dishonesty at the (Washington) Times 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:46 AM

We've all been paying so much attention to the institutional dishonesty at the New York Times, that it appears an outbreak of intellectual dishonesty at the Washington Times, at least on the issue of government-funded prescription drugs. The Times editorial page supports President Bush's effort to create a new entitlement for subsidizing drug costs for most Americans, and in doing so makes an argument which can only be described as bizarre. Compounding this new pro-entitlement mentality was an editorial today attacking the Wall Street Journal, which stands squarely behind capitalism:
We read with interest yesterday's Wall Street Journal editorial on prescription-drug legislation developing on Capitol Hill. From top to bottom, from the theoretical to the practical, Journal editors skewered the Republican direction as bad policy and politics. Their opposition to new entitlements and ever-bigger government is principled — and we agree in large part on their textbook distrust of the welfare state — but the Journal missed the mark on a few aspects of this specific issue. In 2000, George W. Bush campaigned, and in last year's election a majority of Republican House and Senate candidates promised, to deliver a prescription-drug law. A medicine subsidy for seniors is an example of politicians keeping their promises to voters.

It is important to emphasize that Republican support for a prescription-drug entitlement is not a cynical and expensive attempt to buy votes. The new policy would improve the lives of millions of Americans no longer in the workforce whose budgets are squeezed by the rising price of prescriptions
This is a breathtaking position coming from one of the nation's premier conservative newspapers, and may it be an indicator of just how morally and ethically bankrupt modern conservatism has become. Not once in its editorial today did the Times argue why a prescription drug entitlement would be good (or moral) policy—only why it would be good politics. The editorial's concluding paragraph removes any doubt where the Times' interest lay:
Seventy-five percent of voters think prescription drugs for seniors are a good use of taxpayer funds. In a country with a representative form of government, that counts for a lot. However, the political machinations do pay off, with good policy in the short-term and promise for real reform down the road. If Republicans pass a prescription-drug bill and win increased seats in Congress, they will have a more solid base that can be used to reinvent the failing health-care system along more market-oriented lines. That promise alone is worth the price of the current legislation.
Does anyone seriously believe this? Certainly, what principled free-market voter would want to give the Republicans greater political clout when—with the White House and both houses of Congress already in their hands—the GOP committed itself to an expansion of the federal government's role in healthcare that is far more likely lead down the path of Canadian-style socialize medicine than a restoration of the pre-1960s free market in healthcare. The Times is being cynical if they think principled voters are that stupid.

In contrast, yesterday's Wall Street Journal editorial—the one that was too principled for the Times editors—makes simple yet compelling arguments:
Let's start with the amusing irony that the supporters of this giant new prescription drug benefit are many of the same folks who were only recently moaning that a $350 billion tax cut would break the budget. That tax cut will at least help the economy grow. But the new Medicare entitlement is nothing more than a wealth transfer (from younger workers to retirees) estimated to cost $400 billion over 10 years, and everyone knows even that is understated.

The real pig in the Medicare python doesn't hit until the Baby Boomers retire. Social Security and Medicare Trustee Tom Saving told us last week that the "present value" of the Senate [prescription drug] plan—the value of the entire future obligation in today's dollars—is something like two-thirds the size of the current $3.8 trillion in debt held by the public.
The Journal editorial also notes that many employers who sponsor health plans with better prescription drug benefits will drop those benefits once they figure out the government will now pick up the tab. That's why they call it an "entitlement" after all; it's something you can receive without having to earn. And as the Journal correctly states, that makes this issue moral as well as practical:
A universal drug benefit is neither necessary nor morally justifiable. Some 76% of seniors already have some prescription drug coverage. The average Medicare beneficiary spends an affordable $999 a year out of pocket on prescription drugs, and less than %% have out of pocket expenses over $4,000.

The Times, of course, has no answer for these facts, since they're entire argument is political: It's popular with voters, so Bush should do it so he can bolster his re-election, and maybe then we can actually reform the system. But what the Times ignores, from a policy perspective, is how creating any prescription drug entitlement will inevitably lead to government price controls. We saw this after Medicaid and Medicare were created: Without spending caps, beneficiaries tried to milk the government's coffers for all they could. When policymakers figured that out, their response was not to abandon or "reform" the entitlement program, but to shift the blame to service providers (i.e., doctors) by arbitrarily restricting their income. This is why you have doctors leaving the healthcare system in droves. Medicare and Medicaid's reimbursement structure restricts their income by replacing the marketplace with government mandates. And thanks to the antitrust laws, physicians are effectively barred from stopping allegedly private health plans from setting their fee levels too far above the Medicaid-Medicare rates (which the FTC now considers "market price.")

This is the objective reality we face with prescription drugs if we enact even the Senate plan. The Times should be smart enough to know this, but apparently they have so little trust in their Republican friends that they must genuinely believe the GOP cannot retain power without giving seniors additional entitlements. Of course, even that notion has been disproven: We've had five straights Republican House majorities without a prescription drug benefit, and President Bush didn't exactly make this issue the centerpiece of his 2000 campaign. For all the attention it generates, the majority of Americans will not lash out at the Republicans if the current Congress fails to enact prescription drug legislation.

Tony Blankley, the Times' editorial page editor, needs to seriously reconsider his position on this issue. For two days straight now, the Times has run intellectually dishonest editorials that could not withstand even a minimal amount of rational scrutiny. Blankley needs to decide whether his paper's credibility is more important than his influence with Karl Rove and other GOP pragmatists.

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:: Monday, June 16, 2003 ::

Rights & Reason: Group Self-Respect? 

:: Posted by Skip at 7:54 PM

American conservatives are up in arms over a recent ruling by the Ontario Court of Appeal which redefined the common law concept of marraige to, in essence, require the legal recognition of gay unions. I won't comment on the merits of this decision right now, since I've not had a chance to review the case and the relevant Canadian constitutional documents. But on first glance, I noticed a passage cited from a Canadian Supreme Court opinion which merit some general comments:
Human dignity means that an individual or group feels self-respect and self-worth. It is concerned with physical and psychological integrity and empowerment. Human dignity is harmed by unfair treatment premised upon personal traits or circumstances which do not relate to individual needs, capacities, or merits. It is enhanced by laws which are sensitive to the needs, capacities, and merits of different individuals, taking into account the context underlying their differences. Human dignity is harmed when individuals and groups are marginalized, ignored, or devalued, and is enhanced when laws recognize the full place of all individuals and groups within Canadian society.
The phrase "individual or group" makes this passage highly suspect. A group cannot, rationally speaking, enjoy "self-respect and self-worth," since those are concepts exclusive to, well, the "self" or individual. One cannot claim self-respect based solely on the actions or thoughts of a group. This is how one comes to believe in anti-concepts like "diversity." Objective law is concerned only with individual rights, and permits groups to form as individuals dictate, taking into account whatever factors they value. Some groups are based on ideas (i.e. Objectivists, Communists, et al.) while others are based on more superficial characteristics (i.e. race). It is not the state's place to promote group self-respect or self-esteem, just as it is not the state's place to prevent every act which may harm "human dignity."

Of course, when you accept the state as being a social engineer, as most Canadians do, nonsense like the Supreme Court passage cited above make perfect sense. But far from promoting individual human rights, this kind of muddled, almost non-conceptual thinking accomplishes precisely the opposite. As the Court appears to see it, government must enforce egalitarian values upon all individuals and "groups," lest anyone in society think they're better than anyone else, even on merit or capacity.

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Antitrust News: The PeopleSoft Rorschach Test 

:: Posted by Skip at 7:40 PM

PeopleSoft, a software company recently targeted for a possible hostile takeover by Oracle, took out a full page advertisement in today's Wall Street Journal to explain that their Board rejected Oracle's offer, among other reasons, because such a merger might not pass antitrust merger. The operative word is "might," as there's hardly a consensus as to whether PeopleSoft-Oracle pose all that grave a threat to "competition":
According to academics and antitrust attorneys, Oracle's $5.1 billion tender offer for PeopleSoft could indeed trigger a lengthy review in the U.S. and Europe, as PeopleSoft's board argued Thursday morning when it rejected the $16- a-share bid.

But these experts found little in the prospective combination that would lead regulators to block the combination of the two software makers.

Antitrust examiners look at whether a merger will bring higher prices to customers or restrict choice and the ability of new competitors to enter a business. Many experts agree the extensive news coverage of Oracle's tender offer will leave regulators with little choice but to conduct a thorough inspection.

"In some sense, (PeopleSoft) might be making a self-fulfilling prophesy," says Andy Klevorn, a partner and antitrust attorney at Eimer Stahl Klevorn & Stolberg, referring to company's claim of a lengthy process. Regulators "will take a good look at this given the level of publicity."
In other words, like all antitrust cases, everything is subject to the whim of federal regulators. Since there's no objective way to determine whether a merger is "anticompetitive," you're essentially gambling when you submit your merger review paperwork to the FTC and DOJ. That alone should tell you why antitrust laws need to be abolished immediately.

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Antitrust News: And Then There Was One... 

:: Posted by Skip at 7:37 PM

Microsoft had a busy day. First they settled state antitrust claims in North Carolina, then they managed to get West Virginia to drop their appeal of the federal antitrust settlement:
West Virginia's attorney general has agreed a settlement that would end his appeal of the landmark Microsoft Corp. MSFT.O antitrust settlement, leaving Massachusetts as the final hold-out pushing for stricter sanctions, the software giant said on Monday.
West Virginia Attorney General Darrell McGraw agreed to drop out of the appeal as part of a broad agreement that would also settle suits filed under state laws by state authorities and class action attorneys in West Virginia, Microsoft said.

Massachusetts and West Virginia had asked a federal appeals court to strike down the settlement deal and impose more stringent sanctions against Microsoft.

Last year, a lower court judge approved the settlement deal between Microsoft, the U.S. Justice Department and other states that had joined the case.

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:: Sunday, June 15, 2003 ::

CAC News: It's All About Price 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:20 AM

The Rule of Reason is listed on Blogshares at $47.36 a share, at least as of today. We're down from our peak price of $59.40 on June 10, but I'd still say we're not doing that bad.

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Rights & Reason: The Star-Chamber Mentality 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:10 AM

John Samples of Cato has an excellent column in today's Washington Times on the subject of administrative agency abuse:
The Star Chamber Court of England stands as a symbol of arbitrary government. It operated outside the normal processes that guarded the liberty of an English subject even under the monarchy. Eschewing trial by jury, the Star Chamber arbitrarily imposed punishments like imprisonment, fines, the pillory, whipping, branding and mutilation. Parliament closed the infamous institution in 1641 but the memory of its misdeeds should never die.

In 1983, the chairman of the ABA's Administrative Law Section in congressional testimony likened the Federal Election Commission to the Star Chamber Court. The ensuing 20 years have shown the accuracy of that depiction.

The FEC oversees the regulation of American elections. No task could be more central or potentially more dangerous for a nation dedicated to self-government and the rule of law. If abused, the power of the FEC could be used to punish Americans who seek to participate in politics. Critics of the agency will scoff and say the FEC is a "toothless tiger" that is too gentle on those charged with violating election laws. If only that were true.

Defendants before the FEC have few due-process safeguards. When a complaint comes before the FEC, its general counsel makes the case against the alleged lawbreaker who has no right to appear before the commission. The general counsel gives the commission a report that summarizes and criticizes the legal arguments of the accused and answers any questions from the commissioners. This report is not given to the accused even though it may contain new arguments or information. The accused also has no right to see the documents that were the basis of the general counsel's case. The FEC does not have to reveal the witnesses against a defendant, or allow that defendant to attend witness depositions, much less provide an opportunity for cross-examination.

The FEC has long said that the normal rights accorded Americans should not apply at its agency because if an enforcement action were taken to federal court, the normal rule of law standards would apply. That is strange reasoning indeed. An enforcement agency whose work implicates vital rights should be free to ignore the rule of law during a protracted investigation because a court might later honor the rights of a citizen? This justification for exempting the FEC from the rule of law suggests the agency is arrogantly out of control.
Administrative agencies that combine regulatory and judicial functions—the FEC, FTC, and FCC, to name a few—are inherently unconstitutional. Not only do such agencies violate the Constitution's separation of powers by, in essence, combining the executive, legislative, and judicial powers of government, but as Samples eloquently describes, the very nature of agency proceedings compels regulators to ignore due process rights. No agency could function if it had to actually adhere to the standards of the independent judiciary.

The political culture has obviously become accustomed to this unconstitutional form of government-by-Star Chambers. What's more appalling is how the so-called academics—like the beloved Judge Richard Posner—have bought into this. Pragmatists like Posner disfavor reducing the power of agencies on the grounds that it would simply increase the work of the courts, and that agencies composed of "experts" are far better suited toward regulatory matters in the first place. This philosophy is rampant within the federal judiciary, most of which (with some notable exceptions) defers to agency judgments as infallible despite evidence to the contrary. For all the talk of judicial activism on the bench, Americans should really be debating the issue of judicial laziness—judges who put the interests of regulators over the constitutional principle of individual rights.

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:: Saturday, June 14, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: Black Friday, Part II 

:: Posted by Skip at 11:31 AM

The Senate confirmed R. Hewitt Pate as the new assistant attorney general for antitrust yesterday by a 77-0 vote. Pate had been the acting head of the Antitrust Division, and there was unfortunately never any serious scrutiny by the Senate of Pate's nomination.

As Pate was being confirmed, he announced the DOJ's latest antitrust attack, this time on a private trade association:
The Department of Justice today reached a settlement with the National Council on Problem Gambling, Inc. (NCPG) that will free NCPG state affiliates to sell problem gambling products or services outside of their home states.

The Department filed a civil antitrust complaint in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia alleging that the NCPG violated Section 1 of the Sherman Act by facilitating an unlawful territorial allocation to prevent its state affiliates from selling problem gambling products or services outside of their home states. At the same time, the Department filed a consent decree that, if approved by the court, would resolve the lawsuit.

"Consumers—the governmental and individual entities—purchasing problem gambling services, as well as those who use these services, will benefit from the competition that this decree will restore," said R. Hewitt Pate, Acting Assistant Attorney General in charge of the Antitrust Division.

The NCPG, a national trade association whose membership includes 34 state affiliates, assists compulsive gamblers and their families through education, advocacy, information and referrals to self-help groups and lobbies Congress for funding of problem gambling programs. The NCPG's board of directors is controlled by the state affiliates, which as a group have a majority of the seats. The NCPG does not create the services offered by its affiliates, but rather each of the NCPG state affiliates independently creates and markets problem gambling services, such as training and certification programs workshops and telephone help-lines.

The Department noted that while many associations have legitimate, pro-competitive territorial allocations, in this case, the NCPG was not designing a distribution system to enhance economic efficiency.

According to the Department's complaint, since 1995, the NCPG facilitated a territorial allocation agreement on behalf of its state affiliates to prevent problem gambling service providers from crossing state lines to compete. The Complaint alleges that problem gambling service providers were threatened with sanctions or loss of their NCPG membership for bidding outside of their territory. As a result, competition among the state affiliates was curtailed, and consumers were deprived of the benefits of free and open competition.
Nothing in the Sherman Act requires a private association to "enhance economic efficiency." That's simply a DOJ policy mandate which permits government lawyers to second-guess private business decisions. NCPG enjoyed no cartel or political power—i.e. the power to use force—to compel acceptance of its policies. Like all associations, members are presumed to act together for their mutual self-benefit. If any state affiliate felt their interests weren't being served, they presumably were free to leave. Likewise, the association was free not to associate with individuals not amenable to their policies.

Frankly, I'm getting tired of repeating these arguments, but I'll continue to do so until the government gets it right. Unfortunately the members of the U.S. Senate are under the illusion that capitalism can't exist without antitrust. It makes you wonder how the Founding Fathers drove the English tyrants out. After all, America's revolutionary leaders didn't enjoy the enlightened wisdom of antitrust lawyers to guide them.

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Antitrust News: Black Friday 

:: Posted by Skip at 11:12 AM

Friday the 13th proved an unlucky today for opponents of antitrust:

First we have news that the seven-year antitrust extortion against the music industry came crashing to an end as a federal judge approved a multi-million dollar class action settlement:
A federal judge approved a settlement agreement Friday in a music antitrust lawsuit that will result in more than 3.5 million consumers receiving nearly $13 each.

Judge D. Brock Hornby issued a 51-page ruling in the case that began in 1996 when attorneys general across the country began investigating whether distributors and retailers had conspired to inflate CD prices.

"This settlement will put cash in the hands of millions of consumers and music CDs in libraries and schools throughout the country, and will ensure that the challenged distributor/retailer practices will not resume," Hornby wrote.

The ruling, however, does not stipulate exactly how much consumers will receive or when the checks will be distributed. More than 3.5 million consumers filed claims, now estimated at $12.63 each.

Hornby asked lawyers to present him with a report by the end of the month on how much it will cost to distribute the checks and how much each check will be.

He also deferred ruling on a plan on how millions of CDs will be distributed to the schools and libraries.

The lawsuit, signed by the attorneys general of 43 states and territories and consolidated in Portland in October 2000, accused major record labels and large music retailers facing competition from discounters like Target and Wal-Mart of conspiring to set minimum music prices.

The defendants - Sony Music Entertainment, EMI Music Distribution, Warner-Elektra-Atlantic Corp., Universal Music Group and Bertelsmann Music Group, and retailers Tower Records, Musicland Stores and Transworld Entertainment - deny any wrongdoing. Attorneys representing the companies declined to testify in court.

Of the total settlement, $75.7 million would be distributed in the form of 5.6 million music CDs sent to libraries and schools throughout the nation.

The proposed cash settlement in the case totals $67.3 million, with roughly $44 million to be distributed to the public. The remaining cash will go toward distribution costs and legal fees.
With all the recent antitrust settlement money going towards schools, one wonders if antitrust isn't simply some elaborate scheme cooked up by the teacher unions.

Second, the vitamin wars took a nasty turn, as a jury in Washington yesterday awarded $147 million in damages against a number of producers of B-4:
The 11-member jury ruled in favor of plaintiffs who accused Mitsui and a subsidiary, along with two smaller companies, of taking part in a broad cartel that inflated the price of vitamin B-4 between 1988 and 1998, a spokeswoman for the presiding judge said.

Mitsui sells vitamin B-4 and owns an Ohio-based subsidiary called Bioproducts that manufactures the supplement used in animal and pet feeds, among other things.

The defendants will also be responsible for expenses and attorneys fees.

Mitsui has denied it had any role in the vitamin conspiracy and refused to be part of a billion-dollar, industry settlement of class-action charges against vitamin manufacturers in 1999.

Mitsui's attorney, Sutton Keany, said he will ask the judge to set aside the verdict based on the argument that the case never should have gone before a jury because it was too complex and the evidence was insufficient.
Now, while I'm obviously sympathetic to Mitsui on the merits, arguing this shouldn't have gone before the jury is a cop-out. True, many civil juries act irrationally, but arguing that the case was too "complex" for them is patronizing. Antitrust laws aren't complex, just recklessly and unconstitutionally vague. A rational juror would have seen that and vindicated Mitsui appropriately. That the jury chose to award the plaintiffs damages they were not legally or morally entitled to is simply a reflection of our corrupt legal culture, not the intellectual capacity of the jurors.

Finally, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit yesterday affirmed a summary judgment in an antitrust proceeding against various drug manufacturers over a non-compete agreement between the two companies. District Judge Louis Oberdorfer, sitting by designation and writing for the Sixth Circuit, states the case as follows:
This antitrust case arises out of an agreement entered into by the defendants, Hoescht Marion Roussel, Inc., the manufacturer of the prescription drug Cardizem CD, and Andrx Pharmaceuticals, Inc., then a potential manufacturer of a generic version of that drug. The agreement provided, in essence, that Andrx, in exchange for quarterly payments of $10 million, would refrain from marketing its generic version of Cardizem CD even after it had received FDA approval. The plaintiffs are direct and indirect purchasers of Cardizem CD who filed complaints challenging the Agreement as a violation of federal and state antitrust laws. After denying the defendants' motions to dismiss, and granting the plaintiffs' motions for partial summary judgment, the district court certified [the following question] for interlocutory appeal:
* * *
In determining whether Plaintiffs' motions for partial judgment were properly granted, whether the Defendants' September 24, 1997 Agreement constitutes a restraint of trade that is illegal per se under section 1 of the Sherman Antitrust Act, 15 U.S.C. § 1, and under the corresponding state antitrust laws at issue in this litigation.

[Answer]: Yes. The Agreement whereby HMR paid Andrx $40 million per year not to enter the United States market for Cardizem CD and its generic equivalents is a horizontal market allocation agreement and, as such, is per se illegal under the Sherman Act and under the corresponding state antitrust laws. Accordingly, the district court properly granted summary judgment for the plaintiffs on the issue of whether the Agreement was per se illegal.
It's a testament to just how little the judicial culture cares about individual rights today that a company could be found in violation of the law without a full trial on the merits. I understand why summary judgment is used in some circumstances, but here the company was entitled to at least present a defense at trial. But such is the power of the antitrust laws, where judges and lawyers are permitted to second-guess business decisions without the niceties of due process. Granted, due process would have mattered little in the end, despite the fact Andrx had every right to enter into a voluntary agreement with a competitor.

If you read the caption of the Sixth Circuit opinion, you'll see numerous state attorneys general and interests groups as plaintiffs or supporting amici. Like most antitrust cases, Andrx was taregeted for purely political reasons—people wanted the drugs Andrx and HMR rightfully owned, and thus any action to deny the people their entitlement must be an antitrust violation.

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:: Friday, June 13, 2003 ::

The Courts: Pragmatism Run Amok 

:: Posted by Skip at 11:25 AM

Yale law professor Jack Balkin has endorsed Seventh Circuit Judge Richard Posner as a possible successor to Chief Justice William Rehnquist (who, as of this moment at least, isn't retiring). Balkin makes a superficially compelling case:
For those of you who are unfamiliar with contemporary legal scholarship, Posner, who joined the 7th circuit in the early 1980's, is one of the most important legal scholars of his generation, and has written an endless supply of articles and books on virtually every legal subject imaginable, all the while continuing to produce a steady stream of extremely well written appellate opinions, which have made him perhaps the most influential lower court judge living today. He is a man of supreme intelligence, boundless energy and enormous learning. It is impossible for me to list the number of contributions he has made to legal scholarship. The quality of his accomplishments is such that he would grace the Court, and not the other way around. It would be fitting too, for him to be able to finally take a seat on the same court as his acknowledged idol and role model, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.

I don't dispute any of this. Posner is indeed a formidable mind and extremely influential, both with other judges and the overall community. But there's one big problem: Posner's intellectualism is a mere cover for his anti-individual rights ideology. At his core, Posner believes the principal mission of government is not to protect individual rights, but to balance the whims and desires of competing interest groups. He is a pragmatist in the purest (and least flattering) sense of the term. It's not that many of his rulings aren't good, it's just that he often employs an unsound intellectual approach to reach his result.

Of course, I could make the same criticism about dozens, if not hundreds, of federal judges. And therein lies much of the problem with the debate over who to put on the Supreme Court. Seven of the current nine justices are themselves former court of appeals judges like Posner. Intermediate appellate judges are not always the greatest legal minds, and that makes them more susceptible to the hard-core pragmatism of a Richard Posner. Look at the last four Supreme Court justices appointed: David Souter, Clarence Thomas, Stephen Breyer, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Three of these justices form the core of the Court's current pragmatist elite, while the fourth, Clarence Thomas, was appointed principally because of his race, and although he's emerged as a fine justice overall, he places some scary limits on the protection of individual rights, such as last Term's case where Thomas opined an opinion essentially permitting unlimited drug testing of students in government schools. All four, of course, were also intermediate appellate judges before being promoted.

One of the criticisms I've had of the makeup of agencies like the Federal Trade Commission is that the membership is monopolized by a self-appointed elite from within the legal community. A similar criticism may be justified of the Supreme Court. Appellate judges are not inclined towards issuing principle-based decisions; instead, they seek pragmatic remedies limited to isolated facts of the case. What's needed to lead the Court in the post-Rehnquist age is not some cloistered academic or pragmatist appellate judge, but an individual with both solid legal experience and an understanding of how principles operate in the real world, by which I mean the economic marketplace. Especially given the law's increasing hostility towards individual rights in the economic sphere, the next chief justice in particular must possess a solid working knowledge of the business world and how it needs to interact with the law.

Several months ago, I half-jokingly suggested the next chief justice should be Paul Tagliabue, the commissioner of the National Football League. Before being elected to his present post in 1989, Tagliabue was the NFL's chief counsel on antitrust and other matters. He was among the chief lawyers who defended the league from a number of unfounded antitrust actions in the 1980s. Now, I have no idea if Tagliabue would want the job, or even if his judicial ideology is fully compatible with an individual rights theory of government. What I am suggesting, however, is that the White House needs to think outside the box for its next Supreme Court appoinment, and consider the ideological consequences beyond mere short-term political strategy. Nominating someone like Tagliabue—a lawyer who became a successful CEO in a hostile legal climate—would serve as a major shock to the self-appointed appellate elite who believe only they are capable of telling the rest of us what the law should be.

Another reason to back Chief Justice Tagliabue: The Supreme Court in recent years has become more fractured and divided, at times unable to produce a unified opinion in key cases. Given Tagliabue's track record getting 32 NFL owners to work together—no small feat, given they're all wealthy individuals with competing agendas—I would think getting eight Supreme Court colleagues to work together better would be a walk in the park.

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Antitrust News: The Credit Wars Continue 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:53 AM

The downside of settling a major antitrust lawsuit without going to trial? Others will quickly follow (and file) suit:
Best Buy Co. is suing Visa and Mastercard for allegedly violating antitrust and unfair business practices laws regarding plastic card payments.

Best Buy contends Visa and MasterCard's rules unfairly force it to accept their check cards and prepaid cards if it also chooses to accept their credit cards. The company claims that system forces it to pay high prices for taking check and prepaid cards and harms competition.

Visa and MasterCard have agreed to pay $3 billion to thousands of retailers to settle a 1996 lawsuit that accused the credit card companies of abusing their market power in charging high merchant fees. But Best Buy and a handful of other retailers opted out of that class-action lawsuit to pursue their own claims.
The Visa-Master Card cases is a textbook example of the flaw in antitrust thinking. Prior to the rise of Visa and Master Card, there was no such thing as nationally-accepted credit cards. Credit itself was originally a concept where individual store owners would allow customers to purchase goods now and pay later. Department stores became the initial issuer of plastic credit cards in the mid-20th century. Visa and Master Card came along later as an alliance of banks that formed a national network to process credit orders. Individual banks issue the cards, while Visa and Master Card maintain the infrastructure necessary to ensure compatibility from merchant-to-merchant.

Without Visa and Master Card—and their allegedly "monopolistic" fee practices—many of today's large retailers would not exist. Imagine running Wal-Mart, a lead plaintiff in the class-action settlement, without any bank-financed credit cards. The stores may complain about high credit-processing fees, but the price they would pay without Visa and Master Card are far higher, both in terms of sales and administration.

The problem however, as it always seems to be in antitrust, is that success breeds a sense of entitlement among the consumer base. Because Visa and Master Card have created incredibly effective networks, the retailers now seem to view credit card processing as a form of public utility—something that they're entitled to use regardless of ability or desire to pay. The Justice Department, in continuing their own antitrust case against Visa and Master Card, wholeheartedly subscribe to this theory as well. The potential fear, then, is that government regulators will seek to increase their direct control over credit card processing to the point where it does become a quasi-public utility, a la the telephone companies.

I'm not sure Visa and Master Card have quite figured that out yet. They appear to be writing off these antitrust suits as a cost of doing business, a common attitude among large corporations. But at some point they may come to understand their survival is at stake. Hopefully that realization won't come too late.

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:: Thursday, June 12, 2003 ::

Rights & Reason: Getting it Right 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:54 AM

Mike Walters, writing in the Texas A&M University student newspaper, demolishes the moral foundation of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, the law which forces the local Bell companies to lease their infrastructure to competitors:
The Telecommunications Act of 1996 is a more subtle type of antitrust law, which claims to promote competition and eliminate the possibility of an emerging monopoly through government intervention. A common misconception is that the government has to protect its citizens from big business through the prevention of monopolies. This is completely unnecessary in a capitalist economy. Any company that manages to drive away competition cannot set prices as high as it likes. Were a company foolish enough to raise prices excessively, a free society allows for the emergence of new competition that is encouraged to charge a fair price, meeting immediate success by providing a cheaper alternative to the abusive monopoly.

Even if such a built-in safeguard did not exist, one must ask about the cost of enacting anti-monopoly legislation. Would it be moral to let the government intervene on a situation in fear that a company that has sole reign in a market will act oppressively? In his essay, "Antitrust," Alan Greenspan writes, "The effective purpose, the hidden intent, and the actual practice of the antitrust laws in the United States have led to the condemnation of the productive and efficient members of our society because they are productive and efficient."
Greenspan, of course, wrote those words more than 30 years ago, and he's long since exchanged genuine free market principles for the power of the Federal Reserve Board. In any case, Walters gets it exactly right. He not only identifies the practical failures of antitrust, but its moral ones as well:
America boasts the fact that it is a country in which its citizens are free to work hard to achieve their goals, dreams and happiness. Is there some sort of "fine print" on the Declaration of Independence that says the pursuit of liberty and happiness exists for everybody but a successful businesses? Instead, it says only a few lines afterward "That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it."

Evil is not to be tolerated in a just society, and if our government allows economic success to be a punishable offense, it is the public's privilege and obligation to alter the government by pushing for the abolishment of such legislation.
The most difficult aspect of education people about the antitrust laws is getting them to understand that the core supporters of antitrust—regulators, lawyers, academics, et al.—are not simply misguided individuals, but proponents of an evil, anti-human philosophy that will ultimately reinstitute feudal serfdom in this country. Nice to see some folks, like Mr. Walters, are still able to recognize their enemies for what they are.

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Rights & Reason: Persecuting Martha 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:35 AM

Corey Smith, a lawyer at the Justice Department's tax division, penned a remarkable letter to the Washington Times, which appears in today's edition. In his letter, Smith, apparently acting on his own accord, manages to confirm several suspicious many of us have had about the Martha Stewart case. This was not his intent, as his letter clearly is meant to rally support for the prosecution and challenge its critics.

Smith asserts that Stewart was not guilty of insider trading, but of lying to investigators. Nothing insidious about that statement alone. But what Smith says next proves highly troubling:
After weathering the 1998 Clinton-Lewinsky debacle, where it was proven beyond any doubt that our country's chief law enforcement official, President Clinton, lied repeatedly under oath, I do not think we should tolerate lying and obstruction of justice by those in the public eye. What better way to mend the wounds of 1998 by instituting a zero tolerance policy for obstruction of justice by public figures?
There are two implications of this statement. First, Smith essentially refutes his own colleague—the U.S. attorney prosecuting Stewart—who said this wasn't about who Stewart was, but what she did. Smith, in contrast, says Martha was rightly targeted for special treatment, i.e. "zero tolerance", because she is a public figure. The second implication is that the DOJ may be targeting Martha because she's a Democrat, and Republican DOJ officials may be extracting a measure of revenge aganist a high-profile Democratic Party donor like Stewart. Granted, I'm inferring quite a bit, but Smith opened the door.

Smith also makes an interesting admission. He says: "[i]nsider trading is a complicated area of criminal law, and it is not always clear who can be charged with it." That's a heck of a thing to say if you represent the Justice Department, which is trying to enforce this law. Smith's concluding paragraph, however, makes it clear that he thinks non-objectivity is no barrier to successful law enforcement:
Our system of justice is largely a voluntary one. Investigators and prosecutors depend on witness compunction, or fear, to tell the truth, especially under oath. The resources do not exist to punish everyone who intentionally misleads every criminal investigator. If a healthy respect for the truth does not permeate our society, the administration of justice becomes impossible. Setting an example through the use of a public persona such as Martha Stewart is a good idea. Her prevarications should be punished, no matter how innocuous the underlying crime.
Once agani, Smith all but says Martha Stewart was targeted for political reasons. "Setting an example" is what political tyrants do to their opponents; it is not the official policy of a government charged with protecting individual rights. Obviously the DOJ has limited resources and sometimes must prioritize certain investigations and cases. But then why is Martha Stewart such a priority? If her underlying offense was "innocous," and there's no direct evidence her actions violated the individual rights of others, then why spend the money to try this case, especially given the fact Stewart is willing to fight the DOJ all the way?

Oh, right. This isn't about Martha Stewart. It's about the nation atoning for Bill Clinton. I guess putting Martha Stewart in jail will heal the nation's political wounds.

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The Culture: Conceding Premises 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:23 AM

Richard Rahn of Cato is a fine columnist, but he slipped up in an otherwise fine op-ed this morning on European efforts to eliminate "tax competition":
Most people understand that when businessmen get together to limit competition, the public interest is rarely served, and the same is true of government bureaucrats. EU officials convinced their bureaucratic lackeys at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to develop the concept of "harmful tax competition" to justify trying to force all of the world's countries to jack up their tax rates to French-like levels.
Um, Richard, there is a difference. Private businessmen, in general, cannot force individuals to purchase their products and services as a matter of law. Furthermore, a business' products are its private property until a buyer voluntarily negotiates for their purchase. Governments do not negotiate—they simply confiscate.

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:: Wednesday, June 11, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: Nestle Shakedown Nears Completion 

:: Posted by Skip at 5:34 PM

FTC staff attorneys have apparently reached a final agreement with Nestle over the company's acquisition of Dreyer's ice cream. I first discussed this case on March 5, just after the FTC's five commissioners voted to block the deal unless concessions were made. Those concessions now appear to include divesting several ice cream brands to CoolBrands International, a Canadian ice cream producer, and several distribution assets.

Obviously the FTC's actions here were outrageous. FTC staff invented an artificial market—"superpremium ice cream"—as a pretext for fulfilling FTC Chairman Tim Muris' existing vendetta against Nestle, which he simply thinks is too big and successful a company. But a share of the blame must also be assigned to CoolBrands, which is playing the part of a war profiteer here. CoolBrands is acquiring a number of product lines it did not earn in the market, but rather received as a gift from government regulators. How the FTC can claim this is "protecting the free market" is beyond my comprehension.

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FTC News: Oversight Day 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:24 AM

The House Commerce Committee is holding an FTC oversight hearing today entitled "positioning the Commission for the twenty-first century." If that's the committee's goal, perhaps we could start by requiring the FTC to abandon its 19th-century German philosophy and try considering some pro-capitalist theories for once. Then there's the option of recognizing the FTC is an unnecessary and destructive entity, and abolishing the thing altogether.

On a more contextual note, four of the five FTC commissioners are testifying today. The fifth, Sheila Foster Anthony (sister of the late Vince Foster) is presumably absent because her term expired last September, although she continues to serve until President Bush nominates her replacement. Since the FTC is required to have at least two members from each party, and Anthony is a Democratic appointment, the White House is supposed to consult with Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle on the new commissioner.

Daschle did his job, sort of. Last October, he recommended Bush name Pamela Jones Harbour, a career antitrust lawyer (big shock), to succeed Anthony. More than eight months later, there is still no word from the White House on whether they'll nominate Harbour or pick someone else. Add to that there's a second FTC vacancy looming this fall. Perhaps the administration will actually consider putting someone other than an antitrust lawyer in one or both positions. After all, if the FTC is regulating business, shouldn't at least one businessman be on the Commission? Why should antitrust lawyers enjoy a, ahem, monopoly on FTC positions.

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The Culture: Educational Monopolists Rally 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:16 AM

If the FTC is looking for something useful to do with its antitrust machinery, perhaps they could consider taking action against David Imig, president of the American Association of Colleges of Teachers of Education, who deliberately sabotaged a government program designed to break his group's stranglehold on teacher certification:
The head of a national teacher-college association circulated a copy of a confidential teacher-certification exam, undermining a Bush administration initiative to certify professionals without education degrees as teachers.

Education leaders said David G. Imig, president of the American Association of Colleges of Teacher Education, distributed the exam at a March 17 meeting hosted by the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching in Palo Alto, Calif.

The exam was being confidentially field-tested for the American Board for Certification of Teacher Excellence, also known simply as the American Board.

Mr. Imig declined to tell The Times how he obtained the exam.

Suzanne M. Wilson, a Carnegie senior scholar and education professor at Michigan State University who attended the meeting, said Mr. Imig circulated the exam to rally criticism.

"It wasn't good. ... The test for [the American Board] had running through its bones the ideology of traditionalists ... the framework of direct instruction," she said.
AACTE, you see, supports only "progressive" education methods, the same methods that have failed for more than 30 years to educate an increasingly larger number of government-school students. Imig and his colleagues oppose education based on rational methods, and the only way such nonsense can continue to be the norm is if they prevent any genuine competition from taking hold. Hence Imig's decision to sabotage the alternative-certification test.

This was not a cost-free action either:
Mr. Imig's use of the stolen American Board field-test, developed by ACT Inc. of Iowa City, forced the American Board to scuttle the test and sever its relationship with the ACT, which lost $1.2 million because the test was compromised.
Unfortunately, ACT will not pursue legal action against Imig, nor will the other groups and agencies injured take any action. That's simply an outrage. This nation will use its full political force to persecute Martha Stewart and Microsoft, but it won't lift a finger against a group of thugs who seek to sabotage even small steps towards restoring the free market for education and saving the nation's children from the cognitive death that awaits them in government schools.

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The Culture: Monopsonies against Monopoly 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:06 AM

There are two major unions representing actors and other media artists: the Screen Actors Guild and the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. For years, there's been a movement to merge the two unions together, a cause which once again has picked up steam. Nothing wrong with that, certainly. If two voluntary groups decide it's in their self-interest to join forces, then we should wish them the best of luck.

Of course, the reason SAG and AFTRA are looking to merge at this time is interesting:
The Screen Actors Guild and the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists -- which are pushing to consolidate -- issued a joint statement using the FCC action as solid evidence that their unions need to merge for self-protection.

"Today's ruling by the FCC makes the consolidation of SAG and AFTRA even more urgent and necessary," Melissa Gilbert, SAG's national president, and John Connolly, her counterpart at AFTRA, said in their joint release. "The FCC has voted 'yes' to giving media companies even more power. Now, actors, broadcasters and recording artists must respond to this action by voting 'YES' for new power of our own. We must approve consolidation so that we can match strength with strength.

"By joining together, our members will have a stronger, more effective union with the clout to fight for more jobs and higher wages," Gilbert and Connolly stressed. "That's why it's no surprise the media conglomerates don't want us to consolidate. Our members know employers will not look out for our best interests, and the employer agenda should not be a factor in deciding our future."
SAG and AFTRA vigorously opposed the FCC's recent reregulation vote, which is interesting considering their own merger proposal. Gilbert and Connolly said the FCC was "giving media companies even more power," as if somehow the media companies didn't earn their rightful economic power in the marketplace despite arbitrary government restrictions. Keep in mind, as labor unions, SAG and AFTRA can essentially compel the studios to collectively bargain with them, a function of law giving labor unions special political power not available to the general public. SAG and AFTRA can also, pursuant to collective bargaining, force their contract terms on non-union members who seek to work as actors and artists.

And frankly, given that there are many wealthy members of SAG and AFTRA, you'd think that if they were that concerned about the media companies' power, some of them would get together and buy their own movie studio or television network.

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Antitrust News: Half-Measures, continued 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:55 AM

Picking up from Nick's post below, the thing that struck me about yesterday's D.C. Council hearing on physician antitrust is how little the main players—the local medical society and the councilmembers present—actually knew about the impact of antitrust on the medical profession. Since the council first considered a limited antitrust exemption for doctors four years ago, the FTC and Justice Department have become far more aggressive in pursuing physicians. One reason for this, I suspect, is that healthcare costs have been rising faster in the past few years, a point alluded to by a managed-care group lobbyist at yesterday's hearing. This increases the pressure on government officials, unwilling to admit the fundamental flaw of government-run healthcare, to find scapegoats, and the FTC in particular has carved out a fine niche for itself bullying doctor groups and, in effect, stealing their lunch money.

The Republican councilmember Nick talked about, David Catania, actually managed to personify the difficulty in pursuing the physician antitrust issue. Catania is by no means a bad guy; he's been a fairly consistent champion of lower taxes, not an easy task in the District, and most of his initiatives have been pro-business. But on the physician antitrust issue he was clearly ignorant. At the outset, he dismissed the physicians' concerns as a case of "wealthy people" arguing with other wealthy people, that is the health plans. This completely misses the point. Physicians generally do not seek to form labor union cartels; such structures tend to subsidize and promote mediocrity, as we've seen from many AFL-CIO unions that enjoy coercive power to force collective bargaining under the law. What doctors do want, however, is the ability to assert their economic interests against unilateral and unreasonable "efficiency measures" imposed by HMOs with the government's blessing.

One example: A healthcare management consultant recently told me that the physicians in her group were taking a financial bath on child vaccinations. Any pediatrician obviously will have to provide multiple vaccinations to their patients. Indeed, it's required by law in many cases. But the HMO the doctors dealt with wouldn't reimburse the physicians for the full cost of the vaccine; hence they were losing money on every patient for providing that particular service. Such is the nature of the "diagnosis-related group" structure of managed care; each procedure is assigned an arbitrary reimbursement value which need not conform to market realities.

Under antitrust law, it is illegal for independent physicians to get together and say to the insurer, "you need to raise our reimbursements for vaccines so we're not losing money." Indeed, it's arguably illegal for the physicians to have a conversation with one another about the issue, lest the HMO finds out and runs to the FTC. This is the principal reason why physicians are seeking an antitrust exemption. As the head of the D.C. Medical Society said yesterday, this is about the "financial viability" of physician practices, not a case of physicians seeking some unwarranted special favor from the government.

Councilmember Catania, however, appeared too blinded by his own prejudices to seriously consider the facts. He said it was an ineviatble fact of "human nature" that physicians would form price-fixing cartels and hold the District's insurance companies (and by extension, the city's Medicaid program) hostage to their supposedly insatiable greed.

But let's look at the bright side. The D.C. Council passed the limited antitrust exemption there years ago (only to be thwarted by the then-federal control board, which was basically corrupted by the insurance industry's lobbyists) and there is good reason to believe the exemption can pass now. Councilmember Phil Mendelson, a Democrat and the current bill's chief sponsor, provided a solid defense of the physicians yesterday. I was particularly impressed when he derided the use of the "loaded term" of "price-fixing" to smear the doctors' desire to exercise their right to collective negotiations. That shows Mendelson understands that antitrust, at its core, is an exercise in political power, not protecting the free-market.

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:: Tuesday, June 10, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: Take No Half-Measures Protecting Doctors from Antitrust 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 11:44 PM

Today I provided oral testimony to the District of Columbia Council Committee on Consumer and Regulatory Affairs on The Physicians Joint Negotiating Act of 2003. As I indicated in my testimony, the bill before the Council
[i]s an implicit confession that the current regime has failed. Yet rather than address the source of that failure—which is a cornucopia of price control schemes over health care—this bill, in key areas, simply repackages that failure and tries to sell it as an improvement. Rather than acknowledge and protect the freedom of doctors to negotiate their own price terms, this bill subjects them to yet another set of complex and onerous regulations. To subject the exercise of a doctor’s legitimate rights to regulatory approval effectively denies these rights. Specifically, the bill denies doctors the unrestricted right to collectively negotiate price and compensation terms with health plans. Only if the health plan possesses a certain market share—a figure that has a history of being arbitrarily manipulated by hostile regulators—are doctors permitted to enjoy even limited rights to control their economic destiny.
I argued that the Council ought to pass a modified version of the current bill that eliminates the distinction between collectively negotiating the terms of patient care—which the current bill exempts fully—and negotiating price and compensation terms. A doctor’s right to negotiate price and compensation terms should not be assigned to a regulatory ghetto, but should instead be affirmed proudly as the cornerstone of the doctor-patient relationship.

I spoke after representatives of the Medical Society of the District of Columbia and a team of lobbyists for the health insurance industry. Unfortunately the one member of the Council who was most enthusiastic to use antitrust to limit doctor's economic rights (typically enough, a Republican) left early on other business, I was not able to refute his position directly to his face. His view was that since the District has a mandate to provide the poor with medical services and had a finite budget to do this, anything that raises prices is reflexively bad. Other members of the Council seemed to understand that artificial barriers on price would reduce the supply of doctors, but were reluctant to constantly integrate this fact with a position that would fully protect doctor’s rights.

The Council was interested in CAC's analyses of FTC antitrust enforcement efforts and we will endeavor to provide it with further analyses. We'll also seek private meetings with council members to brief them more fully on our position.

The most important achievement of the day was we made friends with the DC Medical Society. While from their perspective, even limited reform is a step in the right direction, they appreciated that our position fully protects doctors. We intend to educate them on our efforts against the FTC’s reign of terror against doctors and we are looking forward to working with them mounting a defense.

All in all, a good day. I know Skip will want to weigh in on this further, so I yield the floor to my honorable colleague.

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:: Monday, June 09, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: Daily Roundup 

:: Posted by Skip at 9:10 PM

First, we have news of Oracle raising antitrust concerns:
The chief executive of J.D. Edwards on Monday said Oracle's hostile bid for his company's intended acquirer PeopleSoft would ``drive out'' competition from a key area of business software and raise ``serious anti-trust issues.''

Robert Dutkowsky, J.D. Edwards' president and chief executive, said that Oracle's hostile bid would require an extensive review by antitrust regulators in the United States and European Union because it would eliminate PeopleSoft as one of Oracle's biggest rivals. A week ago, PeopleSoft had said it intended to buy Denver-based J.D. Edwards in a stock deal now valued at around $1.84 billion.
Oracle, of course, was a major instigator of the Microsoft antitrust case. Turnabout may not be fair play here—antitrust is wrong, regardless of circumstance—but there is a powerful lesson here. When you use antitrust against a rival, the day will likely come when someone will use antitrust against you. It's a vicious cycle with no long-term winners, at least in a free-market context.

Second, we have the latest in the long-running vitamin antitrust wars:
Organizations in Tennessee will split $5.6 million as part of a national settlement with vitamin manufacturers who allegedly engaged in price-fixing.

The Tennessee money, which represents the largest antitrust settlement in the state's history, will go to 75 organizations who'll use it to improve health and nutrition.

The alleged price-fixing pushed up costs for vitamin tablets as well as cereal, meat and baby food enriched with vitamins.

"We are pleased so many Tennesseans will benefit from such an unfortunate situation," Tennessee Attorney General Paul Summers says.
Funny how the money from these large antitrust settlements never go to the actual victims. Perhaps that's because there were no actual victims. After all, the vitamin companies never forced anyone to pay a particular price for their products.

Finally, some good news—the government actually admitted they were wrong for once:
Antitrust enforcers Monday recommended that the government abolish key regulations on airline computer reservations systems (CRS), saying they have failed to foster competition in the industry.

The Justice Department advised the Transportation Department, which is weighing the matter, that the long-standing rules may have imposed unnecessary costs on consumers and should not be extended after they expire next January.

Justice officials recommended that transportation regulators abandon price regulations that require reservation systems to charge all airlines the same prices for the same services. They argue that the price rules have not led to competitive CRS fees and may have hurt the ability of some airlines to negotiate lower ones.

There are four CRS companies operating in the United States, and airlines remain heavily dependent on them to sell tickets, even though Internet sales have become more popular. CRS operations provide the essential link between airlines and travel agents.
Yup, government price controls never benefit consumers. Hardly a shocking discovery. Of course, the antitrust regulators continue to believe price controls will work on other areas of the economy, such as physician services.

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Foreign Policy: Iran 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 6:59 PM

This from the AP:

"The language of threats and force won't work against Iran. It will only backfire," [Iranian foreign Ministry spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi] told a press conference.
True. Iran is the worlds most notorious sponsor of terrorism. Threats will not mollify its mullahs.

Here's to hoping for the 2nd Iranian revolution.

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Rights & Reason: There They Go Again 

:: Posted by Skip at 11:38 AM

I'm beginning to feel like we're in "Groundhog Day." The FTC announced its latest violation of the Constitution this morning:
A nonprofit corporation representing approximately 1,000 participating physicians in the Dallas/Fort Worth, Texas metropolitan area has agreed to settle Federal Trade Commission charges that collective bargaining on behalf of its members has led to decreased competition and increased prices for the provision of medical services to the area's consumers. Under the terms of the proposed consent order reached with the Commission and announced today, Southwest Physician Associates (SPA) will be barred from jointly negotiating fees and other competitively significant terms on behalf of its physicians, unless certain conditions are met.

"The FTC remains committed to stopping fee-fixing and other forms of anticompetitive conduct among health care industry participants," said Joe Simons, Director of the FTC's Bureau of Competition. "We believe that SPA's actions were in violation of the law and caused consumers to pay illegally inflated prices for medical services."
There comes a point when you have recognize that the FTC is not simply a group of people who hold different opinions from your own, but committed enemies of freedom. Indeed, I'm beginning to think we're dealing with sociopaths—people who enjoy exercising power over others for the sheer enjoyment of it. No rational person can support the FTC's actions in these cases, certainly no person who claims to live under the principles of the Declaration of Independence and a government under the Constitution of the United States.

Perhaps it's time the nation's physicians take a lesson from Martha Stewart. When the government falsely charges you with committing a crime, the answer is not to surrender and cower in fear, but to hold your head high and publicly proclaim your innocence. Heck, after she's acquitted, maybe Martha would consider joining CAC as an advisor on how to stand up to prosecutorial tyranny. We'd love to have her.

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:: Sunday, June 08, 2003 ::

Rights & Reason: Bush Conflicted on Health Care? 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:18 PM

President Bush's plan to force taxpayers to provide prescription drugs for the elderly has an interesting feature. In exchange for adding a prescription drug entitlement to Medicare, the White House plan would encourage seniors to get out of Medicare altogether and join a preferred-provider organization. PPOs are networks of doctors and health care providers that contract with insurance plans to provide care at a discounted rate.

Why is this interesting? Because while the president and congressional leaders seek to subsidize PPO operations, the Justice Department's Antitrust Division (helped by the FTC) is doing what they can to undermine PPOs. Mountain Health Care, a North Carolina PPO, was forcibly dissolved by the DOJ after government lawyers complained the group was "collectively bargaining" with health plans. Of course, that's precisely the point of a PPO, but the Antitrust Division felt that Mountain was simply too big—i.e., it had too many physicians in the network—and that if allowed to continue operating, the government felt Mountain would ultimately monopolize the market and harm consumers. There was no evidence to support these arguments, of course, but the antitrust laws do not require the government to prove much of anything beyond a hypothetical "injury" to consumer welfare.

This is even more interesting when you consider a case on the Supreme Court's fall docket, an antitrust claim against the U.S. Postal Service. There, the Justice Department claims that permitting such antitrust suits would undermine the Postal Service's government-mandated objectives. Funny how it's okay for the antitrust laws to thwart some arbitrary government objectives, but not others. Apparently the Bush administration can't achieve internal consistency even among its own bureaucrats.

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:: Saturday, June 07, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: Doctors Win One in the Ninth 

:: Posted by Skip at 2:55 PM

Yesterday the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit gave the nation’s doctors some good news on the antitrust front. While hardly an unconditional validation that physicians enjoy the same individual rights as any other citizen, the three-judge panel’s unanimous ruling in International Healthcare Management v. Hawaii Coalition for Health nevertheless makes a good-faith effort to put some limits on the ability of government-supported HMOs to force doctors to act against their will.

The case arises from a 1997 contract negotiation between Blue Cross/Blue Shield and physicians in Hawaii. That year, the Hawaii Medical Association and several independent physician groups formed a “consortium” with the Hawaii Coalition for Health, a consumer group composed principally of physicians. This consortium basically reviewed the Blue Cross contract proposal and issues recommendations, which individual physicians were completely free to accept or reject in deciding whether to sign the Blue Cross proposal.

International Healthcare Management, another provider network and competitor with Blue Cross, entered the market in 1998 and began offering contracts to physicians. The consortium once again provided a review and advisory role. The consortium also entered discussions with IHM about certain elements of their proposal, although apparently not about actual reimbursement levels. In any case, in June 1998, the consortium sent out an “alert” to its members, notifying them of ongoing problems with the IHM proposal. In the aftermath of this “alert,” several hundred physicians still agreed to join IHM’s network, though apparently not enough. IHM ceased its recruiting efforts and sued the various participants in the consortium for violating the Sherman Act.

The trial judge found no evidence to support IHM’s Sherman Act claims, and granted the consortium’s request for summary judgment in their favor. On appeal to the Ninth Circuit, IHM argued “that the district court erroneously held that it is lawful for physician associations to negotiate with health plans on behalf of their competing physician members.” This is a very broad claim, encompassing not just negotiations over prices, but essentially any discussion among “competing” physicians. In recent FTC and Justice Department cases, the government has actually pursued a similar goal, although they usually hide that fact by concurrently (and often falsely) alleging price-fixing. Here, IHM argued price-fixing could be inferred from the consortium’s activities. Thankfully, the Ninth Circuit found that inference was not a substitute for evidence, and that none of the alleged consortium activities came close to violating the Sherman Act. Even the “alert” that was issued contained no specific information regarding price terms, and in fact the alert came after Hawaii’s state insurance commissioner urged physicians to delay considering the IHM contract until certain non-price issues could be cleared up. Thus, the Ninth Circuit, in an opinion authored by Circuit Judge Pamela Ann Rymer, affirmed the lower court’s summary judgment, finding no reversible error.

The heart of the Ninth Circuit’s opinion deals with the scope of the “per se rule,” the doctrine under which a particular class of activity is illegal under the antitrust laws regardless of context. In physician cases, HMOs and government antitrust enforcers have sought to impose a very wide definition of “per se,” to the point, as noted above, where the mere act of communication among competing physicians is sufficient to justify an antitrust charge. It is, for all intents and purposes, a slipper slope argument: If competing doctors have a legal right to talk to one another about HMO contract terms, they will inevitable conspire to “fix prices” and harm consumers.

The Ninth Circuit wisely chose not to adopt this all-encompassing view of “per se.” Instead they maintained what is supposed to be the correct judicial standard; namely, that “[p]er se categories are not to be expanded indiscriminately to new factual situations.” The consortium members correctly claimed “that it was entitled to express its opinions and to share information about health care plans, whether or not its opinions carried weight and regardless of market effects.” The per se rule only extends to overt acts of price-fixing, not mere discussions among “competing” individuals. Nor did the appellate court accept IHM’s assertion that patient welfare would be harmed by permitting physicians to exchange thoughts on proposed contracts: “Disseminating information that fosters rational business decisions is pro-competitive.”

In short, this case was a total vindication of the Hawaii physicians’ position, although the scope of the ruling did not break much new ground in terms of expanding protection of individual rights. The Ninth Circuit simply prevented HMOs from further eroding what little protections currently remain. Nevertheless, this decision should be greeted warmly, because it provides a useful tool in refuting the federal government’s own claims in favor of expanding the “per se” rule to effectively silence physicians who attempt to speak with one another about managed care contracts. This also demonstrates why it is essential to get physician antitrust prosecutions out of the unilateral control of the FTC and DOJ and into the courts, because independent judges tend to hold antitrust prosecutors to at least minimal standards of rationality.

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The Executive Branch: Continuing the Monopoly 

:: Posted by Skip at 1:30 PM

On his last day in office, the director of the Office of Management and Budget capitulated on one of his priority items, ending the government's monopoly on government printing jobs:
The Government Printing Office will continue its century-old monopoly on federal agencies’ printing jobs, under an agreement the Bush administration announced Friday. The agreement ends outgoing Office of Management and Budget Director Mitch Daniels’ year-long quest to let agencies avoid using the printing office as their middle man.

Daniels agreed to let the printing office keep its monopoly. He even agreed to curtail or eliminate current executive branch printing operations that do some of agencies’ printing work in-house. In return, GPO chief Bruce James agreed to set up a Web-based ordering system that will let government buyers deal directly with private printers, which will negotiate discounted overarching agreements with the printing office. The system is modeled after the General Services Administration’s supply schedules. The printing office will collect a 3 percent rebate from printers to fund the cost of the system.

“It gives agencies more freedom and flexibility in selecting printers,” James said.

To be fair, Daniels didn't exactly surrender. There were legal questions as to whether the Executive Branch could unilaterally end the GPO printing monopoly without congressional authorization. But yesterday's decision is still a let-down if you ran a Kinko's in D.C. and were looking to steal some of the GPO's business from the Interior Department.

Maybe if the Supreme Court rules the Postal Service can be sued under the antitrust laws, we can go after the GPO next. Heck, I'm a consumer of government documents, and I certainly feel injured by this monopoly...

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The Economy: It Takes Money to Create Money 

:: Posted by Skip at 1:23 PM

Unemployment figures are at a nine-year high of 6.1%. A major reason for this: companies aren't making enough money:
Richard Yamarone, economist with Argus Research Corp., said the financial markets are mistaken to see signs of recovery in yesterday's report, which showed a marked downtrend in hiring that he expects to continue for the rest of the year.

"Businesses cannot spend what they don't have," he said. "Anemic economic growth will not be sufficient enough to provide the necessary gains in corporate profitability, which are needed to fuel greater business investment and new hiring."
This should come as shock to Capitol Hill legislators, who respond to bad economic news by calling for the government to further reduce corporate profitability by, just to name a few examples, extending government unemployment benefits, threatening U.S. companies that lower their tax burden by incorporating abroad, and creating new government entitlements such as prescription drug benefits. All that money comes from somewhere, and it's usually businesses, since they're the ones generating the wealth in the first place.

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Antitrust News: Raining on Seattle's Newspapers 

:: Posted by Skip at 1:18 PM

The Seattle Post-Intelligencer reports on, er, the Seattle Post-Intelligencer:
The U.S. Justice Department has entered the fray between Seattle's two daily newspapers, acknowledging yesterday that it is investigating whether the unwinding of their joint operating agreement would violate antitrust laws.

The federal agency, which approved the original agreement between The Seattle Times and the Seattle Post-Intelligencer more than 20 years ago, will "look at all relevant evidence," said a Justice Department spokeswoman, Christine Jacobs.

The Justice Department has already started gathering information about the situation. Rowland Thompson, executive director of Allied Daily Newspapers of Washington, a trade group whose members include both Seattle papers, said Justice Department attorney Maurice Stucke contacted him Thursday. Stucke and another federal attorney, Carol Bell, are leading the investigation, a Justice Department staff member in Washington, D.C., said.

"He's doing a full community background check, as far as I can tell, about what public sentiment is and how people view the two papers, and if there are community groups that have a position on it," Thompson said.

Under the joint operating agreement, or JOA, The Times handles printing, advertising, production and circulation for the P-I, in exchange for a larger percentage of the papers' joint profits. The JOA, originally intended to keep the P-I from failing, began in 1983 and was revised in 1999.

The Seattle Times Co. moved in late April to end the JOA after what it said were three years of financial losses at The Times.

The P-I, owned by The Hearst Corp., had filed suit the day before, claiming that The Times has no right to end the agreement because its losses were the result of extraordinary circumstances and didn't demonstrate that the JOA is untenable. An end to the agreement could lead to the P-I's closure. A hearing is set for July 18.
One of the more disturbing trends in federal antitrust regulation is the government's efforts to interfere with private disputes that can easily be managed through the civil courts. We've already seen this with Rambus, a corporation that was hauled before the FTC after a federal appellate court cleared the technology company in its private dispute with industry competitors. Like the Rambus case, there is no benefit to federal antitrust intervention in this dispute between the Seattle newspapers. Indeed, it will simply increase the costs of all parties involved, meaning taxpayers will see their money squandered, while the two newspapers are forced to deplete their financial resources accommodating nosy Antitrust Division attorneys.

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Rights and Reason: Bush Calls for Innovation in Medicare  

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 11:53 AM

President Bush made the following statement about Medicare during his weekly presidential radio address:

"Today, doctors routinely treat their patients with prescription drugs, preventive care and groundbreaking medical devices — but Medicare coverage has not kept pace with these changes. Our goal is to give seniors the best, most innovative care.

"This will require a strong, up-to-date Medicare system that relies on innovation and competition, not bureaucratic rules and regulations," he said.
Hmmm. Replace the word "Medicare" with "medical" and we would have license to bring the free market back to health care. If President Bush really wants "innovation and competition" and "bureaucratic rules and regulations," he would do just that.

It's amazing though that the people of the land of the free and the home of the brave are so afraid of their freedom that they would never demand the immediate abolition of government boondoggles like Medicare as a simple matter of principle. That's the power of altruism though--if you belive that need is a claim on the life of another, you will never be open to the manifest defects that the practical application of altruism produces.

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:: Friday, June 06, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: Comcast's refusal to air rivals ads criticized 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 7:15 PM

This from USA Today:

A U.S. congressman has asked the Justice Department to examine whether cable giant Comcast's refusal to air some DSL advertisements by rival Qwest Communications is anti-competitive.

Rep. Rick Boucher, D-Va., spurred by Qwest's complaints, wrote in a May 19 letter to the agency's antitrust unit that ''Comcast's discriminatory advertising practices should be closely examined and . . . disallowed.'' Boucher, a veteran on telecom policy, said in an interview that the consumer impact ''can be very real if this practice becomes more pervasive.'' He has not heard from Justice, which did not comment.

For months, Qwest has complained to Comcast, the No. 1 cable operator, that it unfairly restricts or refuses ads. They vie for broadband customers in many markets.

Comcast says it runs DSL ads that are pitched as part of a bundle of communications services. It doesn't accept DSL-only ads.

Three other big cable operators, Cox, Charter and Adelphia, say the decision to run rival ads is made case by case. Cable operators have long refused DSL ads, arguing that the First Amendment protects that right -- and that phone companies can reach customers via local TV, radio and billboards. Critics warn antitrust concerns might come into play as cable firms consolidate.
How totaly obnoxious. I've drafted the follwing letter to Rep. Boucher:

Dear Rep. Boucher:

I read with interest USA Today’s coverage of your letter to the Department of Justice calling for an antitrust investigation of Comcast Corporation for refusing to air DSL advertisements by rival Qwest Communications.

There is a certain degree of irony in your call for antitrust investigation of Comcast. I doubt you feel obligated to use your campaign apparatus to communicate the views of your political opponents, yet you seem to have no compunction in demanding Comcast use its assets to communicate the message of its business rivals. It would seem you believe that you have the right to un-coerced control of the organization you have built, but not Comcast.

Our organization has closely monitored the antitrust enforcement efforts of the Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission for over five years. We have observed first hand antitrust law’s use in attacking great firms, such as Microsoft, for attempting to improve its products, and simple individuals, like Ms. Marcia Brauchler, a Colorado woman earning less than $30,000 a year, but who was accused of being a monopolist by FTC antitrust enforcers because she allegedly violated its shifting mandates as she helped physicians negotiate their contracts with health plans. As long as antitrust law denies the rights of a businessman to complete control of his work and property, it is a law open to wholesale abuse.

Your position on the Comcast case ought to have been that Comcast has every right to control its communication network, and is under no obligation to service the parasitical needs of its business rivals. Yet by your letter, you have turned a simple business question into a political question. I challenge you to reconcile your position with the principle of individual rights. Every individual has a right to pursue his own self-interest in the market. To claim otherwise is to say that we are a nation of surfs obligated to serve the whims of our neighbors. I would hope your vision of America is more profound than that.

Respectfully Submitted,

Nicholas Provenzo
What are the odds of Boucher reconciling his position with the principle of individual rights? Probably a lot better if he received a host of letters like mine.

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Antitrust News: A Merger is Cleared 

:: Posted by Skip at 1:48 PM

From the Associated Press:
ScanSoft Inc.'s $132 million acquisition of SpeechWorks International Inc. received antitrust clearance from the U.S. Justice Department, the company said Friday.

Shares of both companies rose on the news.

ScanSoft shares traded at $6.16, up 26 cents, or 4 percent, Friday morning on the Nasdaq Stock Market.

SpeechWorks shares traded at $5.17, up 25 cents, or 5 percent, Friday morning on the Nasdaq.

ScanSoft said the deal must still be approved by shareholders of both companies, who will vote at special meetings after the registration statement filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission.

The acquisition has already received unanimous approval from both companies' boards, and ScanSoft said it expects the deal to close sometime in August.

ScanSoft, based in Peabody, Mass., makes software that scans paper documents and turns them into digital computer files. Its acquisition of SpeechWorks, which makes speech recognition and text-to-speech programs, will add to SpeechWorks line of voice-related programs.
ScanSoft had to pay a $125,000 "filing fee" with the Justice Department in order to obtain consideration and clearance for their acquisition of SpeechWorks. That's in addition to the thousands of dollars in legal costs and man-hours spent actually preparing and filing the forms. All so the government could say they weren't violating the law.

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The Culture: A Victory for Hootie 

:: Posted by Skip at 1:40 PM

Sportsblogger Dan Lewis points out an interesting secondary effect of the deposing of Howell Raines:
With the resignation of Howell Raines from the NY Times, and with the Masters having come and gone, I'm willing to bet that Augusta has weathered the firestorm. Perhaps we'll get to see if the controvery was a real one, or a newsroom/editorial-driven one.
I don't have much to add on the topic of Raines' resignation, although I would note that if I were a tabloid editor, my headline this morning would have read "HOWELL'S 'RAINE' OF ERROR ENDS," or something to that effect. It seems only fitting.

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Antitrust News: Blumenthal Takes on the ACC 

:: Posted by Skip at 1:06 PM

The complaint in University of Connecticut v. University of Miami is now available online. Just as I predicted last night on the radio, Connecticut Attorney General Richard Blumenthal has brought an antitrust-related claim to stop the "Shalala Three" from defecting to the ACC. Most of the complaint, to be fair, is your garden variety tort claims, but one count argues UConn was injured by the defendants' violation of Connecticut's "unfair competition" law. Of course, that claim is wholly unrelated to the rest of the claim, much of which appears to present triable questions of fact and law.

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Sports Law: Let the Lawsuits Commence 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:11 AM

Just hours after I warned of the litigation train-wreck, five Big East Conference schools sued the University of Miami and Boston College to prevent them from joining the ACC. The Associated Press reports:
The lawsuit, filed in state Superior Court in Hartford, Conn., says Miami and Boston College professed loyalty to their conference while concocting a "deliberate scheme to destroy the Big East and abscond with the collective value of all that has been invested and created in the Big East."

Big East schools went ahead with millions of dollars in renovations and upgrades under the assumption they would be part of a healthy conference for years to come, the lawsuit contends.

The lawsuit was filed by Pittsburgh, Connecticut, West Virginia, Virginia Tech and Rutgers against the ACC, Miami and Boston College. Syracuse is part of the potential ACC expansion but was not included in the lawsuit because plaintiffs said they found no evidence the school made promises to stay in the Big East.

The ACC did not immediately return phone messages seeking comment.

The five Big East schools are suing for financial damages and want an injunction to prevent Miami and Boston College from leaving.
I suspect if this lawsuit proceeds, it will have to be removed to federal court, since it's unlikely a Connecticut state court can sustain jurisdiction over all the parties. Technicalities aside, the suit itself marks the beginning of what could be a protracted litigation war for control of college football. This is what happens when you abandon capitalist principle for altruist ideals.

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Rights & Reason: The Cult of Amateurism 

:: Posted by Skip at 8:04 AM

During my national radio appearance on Steve Czaban's show last night, Steve and I discussed the antitrust implications of the Atlantic Coast Conference's expansion via the acquisition of three Big East Conference teams. For years, the debate in college football has been over creating a single playoff tournament to replace the myriad of bowl games and bowl alliances. As I explained last night, and in today's Initium, you'll never see a genuine playoff unless you take two wretched concepts out of play: amateurism and antitrust.

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:: Thursday, June 05, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: The Vitamin Wars Continue 

:: Posted by Skip at 3:00 PM

From the Justice Department's Antitrust Division:
A federal grand jury in Dallas today indicted the former president of DuCoa, L.P., based in Highland, Illinois, with participating in a nationwide conspiracy to fix prices, rig bids and allocate customers in the choline chloride industry, the Department of Justice announced.

Choline chloride, commonly known as vitamin B4, which is sold by manufacturers and resellers to customers in the animal nutrition industry, is administered to animals to ensure their proper growth and development.

According to the indictment filed today in U. S. District Court in Dallas, Daniel T. Rose of Highland, Illinois, agreed with his co-conspirators to suppress and eliminate competition in the choline chloride market in the United States from approximately August 1997 through September 29, 1998.

"This is the eighth prosecution involving choline chloride and the 30th case arising from the long running vitamins investigation being conducted by the Division's Dallas Field Office," said R. Hewitt Pate, Acting Assistant Attorney General in charge of the Antitrust Division.

Rose is charged with participating in meetings and conversations with his co-conspirators to discuss the prices and volume of choline chloride, agreeing to set choline chloride prices, agreeing to allocate choline chloride customers and rigging bids for contracts to supply choline chloride.

Rose is charged with violating Section One of the Sherman Act, which carries a maximum penalty of three years in prison and a fine of $350,000. The maximum fine may be increased to twice the gain derived from the crime or twice the loss suffered by the victims of the crime if either of those amounts is greater than the statutory maximum fine.
By coincidence, Attorney General John Ashcroft testified before the House Judiciary Committee today, where he asked for additional powers to fight terrorist organizations. For example, he wants the ability to hold terrorist suspects indefinitely, something which is unlikely to win Ashcroft any new friends in the civil liberties crowd. And given the DOJ's propensity to squander taxpayer funds on things like stopping "price fixing" in the vitamin industry and punishing Martha Stewart for having a conversation with her stockbroker, it's becoming more apparent that Ashcroft's opponents have taken the ethical and moral high ground. The Justice Department simply has no core principles when it comes to individual rights and civil liberties. This is not a partisan problem—the Democrats were just as unprincipled when they ran the DOJ under Janet Reno. And indeed, it's not even completely the DOJ's fault. Congress keeps expanding the range of federal "crimes" to combat every minor interest group complaint. The result is a DOJ that's faced with too many laws to enforce and not enough resources. The result is selective prosecution of easy (or popular) targets, which is hardly anyone's idea of equal justice under law.

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CAC News: Radio Appearance 

:: Posted by Skip at 2:49 PM

Tonight I'll be appearing on the nationally syndicated "Steve Czaban Show" on Fox Sports Radio just after 9:20 p.m. I'll be discussing antitrust issues in sports, notably a recent federal appeals court ruling reaffirming baseball's antitrust exemption.

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:: Wednesday, June 04, 2003 ::

Rights & Reason: Hating Martha Stewart 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 1:56 PM

Reuters reports that a federal grand jury has submitted a nine-count inditment of Martha Stewart.

Martha Stewart was charged with securities fraud and obstruction of justice on Wednesday, stemming from her sale of shares of ImClone Systems Inc., a biotechnology company run by a close friend.

The charges, which could carry penalties of up to 10 years in jail, marked a stunning blow to Stewart. A former stockbroker, Stewart built a catering company into a media and design empire and became a household name while courting a celebrity lifestyle.

Stewart, who has said she is innocent of any wrongdoing, was also indicted on charges of making false statements.
One has to wonder if Martha Stewart could ever get a fair shake after the negative portrayal of her rise and commercial success in NBC's recently made for TV movie of her life. Martha Stewart is a cultural icon. As someone who shows us how to make our homes more beautiful, she is easy prey for those who despise what for Martha is an almost natural grace. There is a culture in America today that says it is impossible for someone to honestly achieve business success, and Martha Stewart is no exception. By definition, she has to be wicked. Even if the charges against her prove true, insider trading is one of those nebulous crimes that lacks a victim. Just how does one quarantine information so as not to violate the anti-insider trading provisions of the law? It's simply impossible.

CEO's and other company officials can be barred from unloading stock by contract. But to quarantine information as such--it can't be done. Yet that's not going to stop the anti-Martha attack. And at the end of the day, if Martha Stewart goes down, it will be out of simple envy of her success.

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:: Tuesday, June 03, 2003 ::

Antitrust News: CAC Argues Denying Free Market Rights of Doctors Hurts Medicine 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 7:07 PM

Today the Center for the Advancement of Capitalism (CAC) filed public comments on the Federal Trade Commission's (FTC) consent order in its case against Anesthesia Service Medical Group, Inc. (ASMG), and Grossmont Anesthesia Services Medical Group, Inc. (GAS), two medical groups which provide professional anesthesia services in San Diego County, California. The FTC charges ASMG and GAS with collectively negotiating on behalf of physicians in violation of the FTC Act with Grossmont Hospital, a La Mesa, California, hospital that extends staff privileges to ASMG and GAS members. The FTC considers any physician collective bargaining to be illegal despite the lack of congressional or constitutional authorization for such a position.

"This case is a classic so-called "price fixing" case," say Nicholas Provenzo, CAC Chairman. "The FTC’s myopic fixation on prices derives from its self-proclaimed mission to protect “consumers” from harm. By emphasizing consumer interests over all others, the Commission has subscribed to the belief that demand, not supply, drives the marketplace, and that a consumer’s every wish must be fulfilled as a matter of right."

"When those wishes cannot be fulfilled on terms of the consumer’s choosing, the FTC axiomatically concludes that it must be the fault of some producer engaging in “unfair” competition," says Provenzo. "The case against ASMG and GAS derives from this flawed premise, and if carried to its logical conclusion, the FTC’s thinking will result in the destruction of the medical profession."

"By attacking the basic rights of physicians to negotiate in their self-interest and treating the services physicians provide their patients as if they were an unquestioned right, the FTC is weakening the basic means of supplying physicians to the marketplace," says CAC Senior Fellow Sean Oliva. "If physicians are unable to profit in the market, they will simply withdraw their services, leaving hospitals without competent staff and patients without adequate care. While Grossmont Hospital may avoid a short-term rise in the costs of obtaining anesthesiologists by running to the FTC to punish ASMG and GAS, the Commission’s intervention will further erode the ability of physicians to pursue their economic self-interest, thus removing a key incentive in retaining and expanding the supply of available physicians."

A copy of the CAC comment letter in PDF format can be downloaded at: http://www.capitalismcenter.org/Campaigns/Antitrust/CAC_Comments_San_Diego.pdf

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Antitrust News: Waiting for Mountain 

:: Posted by Skip at 4:06 PM

Apparently it takes the Justice Department more than three months to read a 49-page comment letter. I discuss my plight over comments made in the Mountain Health Care antitrust settlement in today's Initium.

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Antitrust News: If not the FCC, then the DOJ and FTC 

:: Posted by Nicholas Provenzo at 10:53 AM

It seems some members of Congress are not happy with yesterdays FCC re-regulation vote, and many of them are Republicans. According to Reuters:

A bipartisan group of U.S. senators opposed to television networks expanding their reach expressed confidence they had the votes to roll back a rule adopted by communications regulators on Monday.

The group said it was pressing ahead with legislation to retain limits keeping a network from owning stations that together reach more than 35 percent of the national audience.

The three Republican members of the Federal Communications Commission voted earlier on Monday against their two Democrat colleagues to raise the limit to 45 percent as part of a wider easing of decades-old media ownership rules.

But Sen. Trent Lott of Mississippi told a news conference there was no partisanship in Senate opposition to the new cap.

"A lot of Republicans, in fact, probably most of the Republicans in Congress, would not agree with this decision," said Lott, the former Republican leader of the Senate.

The Senate Commerce Committee has scheduled a hearing for Wednesday on media ownership where all five FCC commissioners are due to testify.

[. . .] Meanwhile, two key members of the Senate Judiciary Committee expressed "serious reservations" about the FCC decision and said future media mergers should get close scrutiny from antitrust regulators at the Justice Department and Federal Trade Commission.

Sens. Mike DeWine, a Republican from Ohio, and Herb Kohl, Democrat of Wisconsin, issued a joint statement saying the agencies should "stand guard to prevent deals which will substantially injure competition in these industries that are so vital in providing the news and information relied upon by millions of Americans."

DeWine and Kohl are the chairman and ranking Democrat on the panel's antitrust subcommittee, and they said they plan to hold a hearing on the FCC rule changes "to examine its implications for competition."
DeWine and Kohl would do better to hold a hearing to examine the implication of antitrust upon individual rights. Just why is it that a businessman can't own a "concentration" of media outlets? It's clear in this case that the free market demands consolidation and efficiency, but congressional leaders seem to think the free market has it wrong. Since when did the judgment of a handful of political leaders replace the judgement of millions of investors, businessmen, and consumers? The honest answer is the second it was held that one person's need for goods and services became a mortgage on the life of another.

A businessman works for his own sake, and if he sees an opportunity to make money by consolidating his business with others, he takes it, because not to is wasteful. That said, a businessman can't outlaw his competitors, nor can he outlaw substitutes to his products and services. How come then the actions of a businessman are conflated with those of a despot, while the actions of antitrust regulators are perceived as promoting freedom?

Until CAC's representatives are able to give testimony at one of these such hearings, you will never hear these basic, elementary questions asked of members of Congress.

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Tax Policy: Universal Service Charges 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:23 AM

The Washington Times has an excellent report today on the Universal Service charge, an omnipresent yet little-noticed sales tax on long-distance telephone calls and other telecommunications services. Just about everyone pays a Universal Service charge of some kind, often just a few dollars per month. But what is this charge for? The Times explains:

It covers the high cost of making it possible for Americans to reach out and touch someone from mountains, swamps and other remote areas. It subsidizes phone bills for poor people and technology at schools and libraries.


Technically, Universal Service charges are paid by telecommunications companies, but most of them pass the cost along to their customers via the monthly fee. But the current system is weakening, according to the Times, because people are simply using less long-distance service (the e-mail effect) and newer services, such as cable modems, aren't liable for the charges. The FCC is expected to review the Universal Service rules next year, and it may allow companies to assess their customers a flat fee regardless of actual services used.

That would be egalitarianism on top of egalitarianism. The Universal Service program already punishes individuals living in high-population areas to subsidize those who live in low-population areas. A flat fee would simply make the things more regressive by forcing people who make fewer calls a month to subsidize those who make more. Of course, the entire program should be abolished, but given the number of congressmen who come from rural states, that's unlikely to happen anytime soon.

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Rights & Reason: The FCC, Continued 

:: Posted by Skip at 10:12 AM

There's a fairly lively debate on the FCC re-regulation scheme at Arthur Silber's blog. Among my favorite pro-regulation arguments is this gem:

There is a finite, shared medium available for broadcasting, like the oceans for instance in shipping. Who owns the oceans? The first people to set anchor in a 4 mile by 4 mile square tract of water? No, it's considered "commons".


The ocean has no owner because it falls outside the political jurisdiction of nation-states. Thus, while one could claim a 4 mile-by-4 mile part of the Atlantic, there would be no government to enforce property rights, opening the pseudo-owner's claim up to piracy or other rival claims. That doesn't mean, however, that property rights could not be established over parcels of water just as they are over land.

But more to the commenter's point, broadcast spectrum is not a "shared" medium by any means. Without the existence of broadcasters to develop the medium, the spectrum is nothing more than hypothetical frequencies which lack form. It is property owners who make broadcasting possible via the spectrum, not "the people" through arbitrary regulation. The fact that the spectrum was not initially privatized—i.e. that spectrum is licensed through the FCC—is due to the coincidental rise of the regulatory state as radio and television technology was invented. The spectrum could have easily been parceled out free of further government obligation, just as the entire Western frontier of America was at one time.

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:: Monday, June 02, 2003 ::

Rights & Reason: The FCC Re-Regulates 

:: Posted by Skip at 12:49 PM

The Federal Communications Commission finally voted on what I call their “re-regulation” package tinkering with existing media ownership rules. I’ve never been all that interested in this story despite the fact I deal with antitrust and competition law for a living. There are really only three things one needs to know about the FCC’s action: (1) the FCC had a statutory obligation to review the ownership rules in addition to several recent court decisions faulting the Commission’s regulation-writing process; (2) the actual changes won’t make a substantial difference in the ownership of any sector of the media; and (3) the only group that will enjoy substantial benefits from today’s action are antitrust lawyers (and policy analysts like myself, ironically) who will bottom-feed off the few new mergers that will occur.

Other then that, the faux-populist storm that came through Washington in anticipation of today’s announcement was a grand waste of time and bureaucrats. Still, you have to be somewhat impressed with the fact 520,000 public comments were filed with the FCC on this issue. Coming from someone who currently maintains the longest FTC streak for sole comment letters filed, I can say the political muscle behind the “Stop Big Media” campaign is not something to be casually dismissed. It would be nice, however, if some of these folks would actually pay attention to how antitrust laws are applied in the real world rather than hide behind fanciful anti-concepts of “media diversity” and the like.

Indeed, the fact that so many nominally libertarian and conservative groups lobbied against loosening the ownership rules is a testament to the cognitive dissonance that’s rampant inside the Beltway. For example, consider this ominous statement from this morning’s FCC announcement:

The FCC strongly affirmed its core value of limiting broadcast ownership to promote viewpoint diversity. The FCC stated that “the widest possible dissemination of information from diverse and antagonistic sources is essential to the welfare of the public.” The FCC said multiple independent media owners are needed to ensure a robust exchange of news, information, and ideas among Americans.

The FCC developed a “Diversity Index” in order to permit a more sophisticated analysis of viewpoint diversity in this proceeding. The index is “consumer-centric” in that it is built on data about how Americans use different media to obtain news. Importantly, this data also enabled the FCC to establish local broadcast ownership rules that recognize significant differences in media availability in small versus large markets. The objective is to ensure that citizens in all areas of the country have a diverse array of media outlets available to them.


Libertarians and conservatives will swallow an FCC “diversity index” while simultaneously expressing horror when the University of Michigan employs formulas to maintain a racist admissions program. Similarly, groups like the National Rifle Association favored greater restrictions on media ownership while serving as lead plaintiff against the McCain-Feingold campaign finance bill. Yet both campaign finance “reform” and media ownership restrictions arise from the same philosophy of government. It’s logically impossible to support the government censoring private acts of political speech while supporting efforts to maintain artificial barriers to entry for media ownership. The First Amendment is either an individual right or it’s not. You can’t have it both ways, or, more accurately, you can’t have it the right way only some of the time.

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FTC News: New Site, Same Mission 

:: Posted by Skip at 11:53 AM

The Federal Trade Commission has a new website. The banner reads: "Federal Trade Commission - For the Consumer." By inference, I assume that means they're against producers.

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Antitrust News: The District v. CVS 

:: Posted by Skip at 11:35 AM

Saturday’s Washington Post reported on the District of Columbia’s efforts to force drugstore giant CVS to finance their competitors:

District lawyers argue that consumers were put "at risk of substantial harm" after CVS Corp. last year bought a competing pharmacy in Northwest Washington and promptly closed it down, according to a lawsuit filed yesterday.

The city filed the suit in Superior Court, alleging that CVS violated D.C. antitrust regulations when it purchased an Anchor Pharmacy in the Palisades neighborhood in March 2002.

The Anchor store was at 4883 MacArthur Blvd. NW, a few doors from a CVS store. When CVS closed its acquisition, it left a sign directing customers to its other location.

In a seven-page filing, lawyers for the Office of the Corporation Counsel allege that consumers are at risk "because CVS Corporation can profitably choose to reduce service or increase prices."

The city has asked the court to direct CVS and Anchor companies to "provide monetary incentives sufficient to induce the opening of a competing retail pharmacy."

A CVS spokesman reacted with outrage.

"The suit is totally void of merit," Todd Andrews said.

"Anchor made its own decision to close because the location was not profitable. We purchased the assets after they approached us to purchase them. We are deeply disappointed that the District's legal office decided to take this action."

City attorneys believe differently. They contend that the Anchor Pharmacy was not a failing store and that CVS figured it would be easier to buy out its competitor than defeat it through competitive business practices.

"Defendants monopolized or attempted to monopolize trade or commerce," states the lawsuit, which also names Anchor Pharmacies Inc. of Westminster, Md., and the CVS store on MacArthur Boulevard as defendants.


Here at CAC, our first instinct is to look at a case like this as a government effort to violate the property rights of private businesses. Obviously that instinct is correct here, but there’s a more precise message one should derive from D.C.’s actions. My colleague Donald Luskin suggests we need to view antitrust as a “systematic tax” on businesses which harm productivity. The D.C. case against CVS demonstrates exactly what Luskin means. After all, the District isn’t seeking to stop or undo CVS’s acquisition—the government only seeks a tribute payment to a potential competitor. When the government appropriates private wealth for a “public” good—in this case the good is “competition”—that’s a tax. And unlike traditional taxes, the antitrust tax is arbitrarily imposed.

More interestingly, the antitrust tax is often regressive in its application. Consider the worst-case scenario for CVS: They pay several thousand dollars to support a competing store. CVS is a $24 billion company with thousands of stores nationwide. The overall impact of a single antitrust judgment would be negligible in the long-run. In contrast, many recent antitrust cases I’ve dealt with involve far less wealthy defendants who receive far greater damage. For example, in one physician collective negotiating case the FTC pursued last year, one of the defendants—a management consultant for the doctors—reported that his business was off by almost one-third as a result of the antitrust settlement he was forced to sign. This consultant has nowhere near the financial impact on the economy that CVS does, yet he faced a far harsher penalty under the antitrust tax.

This is why the “small” antitrust cases matter a great deal to us at CAC. They don’t get the media attention that Microsoft or CVS gets, but they do far greater damage to America’s free-market system in the long haul.

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